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Published on Wednesday, 15 April 2020 10:34
By Murzban Jal
Murzban Jal has been a regular contributor to this website. We publish below an article by him, hoping it will lead to more discussions. -- Administrator, Radical Socialist Website
We revolt because it is impossible to breathe, in more than one sense of the term.
Frantz Fanon.
Introduction
Since the idea of the Asiatic mode of production and the social formations embedded thereon was not taken seriously in twentieth century Marxism, especially in India, the understanding of Marxism was predicated on a Eurocentric and Stalinist theoretical problematic that was itself completely alien to Marx’s original understanding of revolutions in Asia in general and India in particular. This led to a teleological and unilinear understanding of history where history was seen as a march-past from primitive communism via slave society, feudalism and capitalism, and, as if, waiting for socialism to automatically evolve as if metaphysically and independent of revolutionary action. While at the theoretical sense it meant that the Indian revolution had to be predicated on the revolutions in advanced capitalist nations, or at best usher in the bourgeois national revolution; in the practical sense it meant that Moscow and Beijing would throw their shadows on the Indian revolution. The communist revolution would be totally absent from this revisionist framework.
In this colonial Eurocentric view of history and society, the liberal democrats led by Nehru opted for a reformed type of capitalism at the time of independence governed by parliamentary democracy, while the Established Left was by and large anchored in the bourgeois parliamentary system, except twice when it was swayed by revolutionary action as seen in the Telengana movement (1946-51) followed by the Naxalbari movement from the late 1960s onwards.
And when postmodernism started showing its influence in India, the Established Left in the deconstructionist name of différance, let caste, feminism and ecology in their movement. What happened was that the Established Left moved in from one mess (Stalinism and Maoism) to another (postmodernism). And then suddenly différance came onto the scene of Indian politics, but not as caste, feminism and ecology, but as fascism. The Stalinist Left was left trembling, not knowing what to do. It is then they thought that the ghosts of Nehru and Gandhi would serve better to fight fascism than the specters of Stalin and Mao. But little would they know that ghosts are best understood as mere ghosts and the time to bury them was of extreme necessity.
Earlier the Established Left had two Overlords—Stalin and Mao. Now they are joined by many, many more. Again little would they realize that while their Overlords would appear as mere ghosts, the time for the real Overlord has come. Fascism is now no mere tale for the Established Left to narrate. It is reality, terrible and brute reality.
Where are we Heading?
“Shame”, so the young Marx once wrote to his friend Arnold Ruge, is “a revolution in itself”.[1] The impossibility of breathing that Frantz Fanon said is also another kind of revolution. In fact one may ask: “If in class divided societies, breathing is really impossible, then how come the anti-caste, anti-class revolution is not hitherto successful in India? Why has fascism come and why does it quite oft speak in the name of Gandhi?”
And with global capitalism tightening its grip over the entire globe, where it creates a world after its own ugly and distorted image; racism, casteism, the politics of primordial nativism and terrorism become the new commodities for sale in the global market. And in this production of these new commodities, we need another form of breathing. In this sense, to quote a contemporary Marxist-Humanist philosopher Peter Hudis: “Time seems to be moving backward in many respects, as xenophobic—as well as subtle but no less insidious—forms of racism seem to define the very shape of globalized capitalism in the twenty first century”.[2]
It is in this sense that I say that reflections on caste and class are to be constituted in an understanding of history moving backwards. But if we are indeed moving backwards, “the question is, to what?”[3] Where are we heading? What future beckons us?
In an essay ‘In Defense of Leninism’ which was published in Economic & Political Weekly which I later added in my edited book Challenges for the Indian Left, I said that if according to Marx, great personages and facts appear in history as if twice, the first as tragedy the second as farce, then we must add that in neo-liberal capitalism history appears now also as joy since unbridled capitalism has put on the stage of world history the great revolutionaries: Lenin, Trotsky, Luxemburg, etc. And if great personages do appear once more, then great events have also to occur with their appearance. If history appears as moving backwards, then the reversal is also now seen.
And that is why I am saying that if history in the era of late imperialism in permanent crises is seen moving backwards, in the era of barbarism, its direct antithesis, socialism, cannot be left out from the scene of history. And this is because history moving backwards is an anomaly against history itself. Luxemburg’s great question, “socialism or barbarism”, now speaks out. Unfortunately the dominant discourse is that of historical barbarism that now speaks. For if in the Western world, capitalism speaks through the language of racial and religious conflicts (as if the production of all other commodities it has exhausted), then in India it is through the discourse of caste and messianic religious that capitalism is able to speak. It is, as if, capitalism has totally lost its voice and needs to speak through the other.
Ironically both caste and religion as explicit public discourses found their voices in India only in the early 1990s with the political endorsing of the “end of socialism” theme by the Indian state. Socialism had to die for the Caste Overlord to speak its real language. The earlier Caste Overlord died who spoke the language of Nehruvain socialism, another Caste Overlord, now joined by many more lords and ladies came marching in this little scene of Indian history. And when caste did speak through the language of “justice” and “affirmative action” with the coming of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), it seemed that what Christophe Jafferlot calls a “silent revolution” did finally appear. But was this indeed the case? Would the BSP unleash a revolution of any sort, silent or otherwise? Would the dalit communities submerged beneath the hegemony of the upper caste elites under Congress rule be finally getting their own voice? Or would this be a mere inversion of Brahmanism to create nothing but an “inverted Brahmanism”? Would this silent revolution under the auspices of an “inverted Brahmanism” be nothing but a schizophrenic revolution that would lead to a complete counterrevolution? And would caste be the basis of this schizophrenic revolution turned counterrevolution?
What is Caste?
Since caste has been repeating finding its voice, mainly from parties like BSP and aided by centres of inclusion-exclusion (usually funded well by American universities and patronized by Congress politicians), one needs to out this question in the scientific perspective. Thus to the question: “What is caste?” I answer that caste is a form of enclosed community constituted in a concrete mode of production and sanctified by a concrete religious and political ideology and that it implies an essential cutting off people from one another. It is this sense of essential clannishisness and an estrangement emerging thereon that an analysis of caste can take place. For a working dialectical materialist definition by caste I mean an enclosed, ossified and petrified class that is reified as a closed clan system with its parasitical bureaucratic system where humans lose their humanity. Let us see what Marx had to say about India appearing as:
Idyllic village communities, inoffensive though they may appear, had always been the solid foundation of Oriental Despotism, that they had restrained the human mind within the smallest compass, making it the unresisting tool of superstition, enslaving it beneath traditional rules, depriving it of all grandeur and historical energies. We must not forget that the barbarian egotism which, concentrating on some miserable piece of land, had quietly witnessed the ruin of empires, the perpetuation of unspeakable cruelties, the massacre of the population of large towns, with no other consideration bestowed upon them than on natural events, itself the helpless prey of any aggressor who designed to notice it at all. We must not forget that this undignified, stagnatory, and vegetative life, that this passive sort of existence evoked on the one part, in contradistinction, wild, aimless, unbounded forces of destruction and rendered murder itself a religious rite in Hindustan. We must not forget that these little communities were contaminated by caste and slavery, that they subjugated man to external circumstances, that they transformed a self developing social state into never changing natural destiny, and thus brought about a brutalizing worship of nature, exhibiting its degradation in the fact that man, the sovereign of nature, fell down on his knees in adoration of Hanuman the monkey, and Sabbala, the cow.[4]
In the first volume of Capital this is what we see:
Manufacture, in fact, produces the skill of the detailed labourer by reproducing, and systematically driving to an extreme within the workshop, the naturally developed differentiation of trades which it found ready to hand in society at large. On the other hand, the conversion of fractional work into the life-calling of one man, corresponds to the tendency shown by earlier societies, to make trades hereditary; either to petrify them into castes, or whenever definite historical conditions beget in the individual a tendency to vary in a manner incompatible with the nature of castes, to ossify them into guilds. Castes and guilds arise from the action of the same natural law, that regulates the differentiation of plants and animals into species and varieties, except that, when a certain degree of development has been reached, the heredity of castes and the exclusiveness of guilds are ordained as a law of society.
“The muslins of Dakka in fineness, the calicoes and other piece goods of Coromandel in brilliant and durable colours, have never been surpassed. Yet they are produced without capital, machinery, division of labour, or any of those means which give such facilities to the manufacturing interest of Europe. The weaver is merely a detached individual, working a web when ordered of a customer, and with a loom of the rudest construction, consisting sometimes of a few branches or bars of wood, put roughly together. There is even no expedient for rolling up the warp; the loom must therefore be kept stretched to its full length, and becomes so inconveniently large, that it cannot be contained within the hut of the manufacturer, who is therefore compelled to ply his trade in the open air, where it is interrupted by every vicissitude of the weather.”
It is only the special skill accumulated from generation to generation, and transmitted from father to son, that gives to the Hindu, as it does to the spider, this proficiency. And yet the work of such a Hindu weaver is very complicated, compared with that of a manufacturing labourer.[5]
And a few pages later we have this:
Those small and extremely ancient Indian communities, some of which have continued down to this day, are based on possession in common of the land, on the blending of agriculture and handicrafts, and on an unalterable division of labour, which serves, whenever a new community is started, as a plan and scheme ready cut and dried. Occupying areas of from 100 up to several thousand acres, each forms a compact whole producing all it requires. The chief part of the products is destined for direct use by the community itself, and does not take the form of a commodity. Hence, production here is independent of that division of labour brought about, in Indian society as a whole, by means of the exchange of commodities. It is the surplus alone that becomes a commodity, and a portion of even that, not until it has reached the hands of the State, into whose hands from time immemorial a certain quantity of these products has found its way in the shape of rent in kind. The constitution of these communities varies in different parts of India. In those of the simplest form, the land is tilled in common, and the produce divided among the members. At the same time, spinning and weaving are carried on in each family as subsidiary industries. Side by side with the masses thus occupied with one and the same work, we find the “chief inhabitant,” who is judge, police, and tax-gatherer in one; the book-keeper, who keeps the accounts of the tillage and registers everything relating thereto; another official, who prosecutes criminals, protects strangers travelling through and escorts them to the next village; the boundary man, who guards the boundaries against neighbouring communities; the water-overseer, who distributes the water from the common tanks for irrigation; the Brahmin, who conducts the religious services; the schoolmaster, who on the sand teaches the children reading and writing; the calendar-Brahmin, or astrologer, who makes known the lucky or unlucky days for seed-time and harvest, and for every other kind of agricultural work; a smith and a carpenter, who make and repair all the agricultural implements; the potter, who makes all the pottery of the village; the barber, the washerman, who washes clothes, the silversmith, here and there the poet, who in some communities replaces the silversmith, in others the schoolmaster. This dozen of individuals is maintained at the expense of the whole community. If the population increases, a new community is founded, on the pattern of the old one, on unoccupied land. The whole mechanism discloses a systematic division of labour; but a division like that in manufactures is impossible, since the smith and the carpenter, &c., find an unchanging market, and at the most there occur, according to the sizes of the villages, two or three of each, instead of one. The law that regulates the division of labour in the community acts with the irresistible authority of a law of Nature, at the same time that each individual artificer, the smith, the carpenter, and so on, conducts in his workshop all the operations of his handicraft in the traditional way, but independently, and without recognising any authority over him. The simplicity of the organisation for production in these self-sufficing communities that constantly reproduce themselves in the same form, and when accidentally destroyed, spring up again on the spot and with the same name—this simplicity supplies the key to the secret of the unchangeableness of Asiatic societies, an unchangeableness in such striking contrast with the constant dissolution and refounding of Asiatic States, and the never-ceasing changes of dynasty. The structure of the economic elements of society remains untouched by the storm-clouds of the political sky.[6]
One should understand that to have a scientific understanding of caste on should find a material referent for the same. To talk of the material referent is of great importance, since parties that propagate alleged anti-elitist politics (like the BSP) and the ideology that speaks in the name of Ambedkar (like the many factions of the RPI in Maharashtra) not only do not want to talk of the material referent, but choose to be totally blind to this very important factor.
And this material referent is the mode of production—to be precise the Indic variation of the Asiatic mode of production, a mode that did not exist in some exotic past, but which through its numerous mutations, yet exists. What we shall do is take the above two renderings and then go back to ‘The British Rule in India’ where Marx locates caste as “semi-barbarian, semi-civilized communities”[7] where these caste-communities are seen manifesting themselves as clan systems which creates the structures of extreme hierarchy and the ideology of rank worship. Rank worship is inherently related to the totem of purity and the taboo of pollution. If purity and pollution are its ritualitsic superstructure then economic and cultural stagnation are its two main pillars. One follows Ambedkar in outlining the two principles of graded inequality and division of labourers as central to the mechanism of caste. In the principle of graded inequality various labouring-subaltern castes are unable to recognize their exploiter, but are themselves graded within themselves unequally. And in the principle of division of labourers, there is a marked internal division based on the ideology of caste-hierarchy. While the Left has almost not touched these it is first the liberals that saw caste as a progressive structure—Gandhi was the chief proponent of this worldview. Not only did they recognize this fact, they perfected this. And this is precisely why Ambedkar saw the Congress as the most reactionary party which perfected these principles of graded inequality and division of labourers. But is this is the case, if Ambedkar thought that the Congress was the party of the Indian counterrevolution, then why is the Established Left not going hammer and tongs after it?
Further, what happens with caste and its fetish of purity and ranking is that racism also comes in. As racism, albeit of the South Asian variety, the upper castes are not merely “understood” as being of higher biological stock and the lower ones considered as inferior, but actually “cultivated” as inferior. When I am talking of casteism as a form of South Asian racism, I am also calling this “schizophrenic racism” where ranking in terms of “high” and “low”, “pure” and “impure” form its ontological basis. The tragic element is that even the lower castes imitate this model and imagine that they belong to a superior stock. For a certain type of Indian politics, this idea of caste as race forms the leitmotiv of its fascist politics. Both V.D. Savarkar and M.S. Golwalkar based their politics on the idea of race and racial superiority. But this not mean that Gandhi and Nehru were free from this blame. For then too this same idea was sketched deep in their ideological cranium.
The third part of caste, I outline as “neurosis-psychosis”. I here claim that caste generates essentially a form of mental illness which creates cultural and political schizophrenia. This form of cultural illness and the ideological superstructure which caste creates is unable to generate critical-scientific thinking and a democratic culture. The main thing that this new form of cultural illness does is that it breeds the contempt of other social groups. The creation of authoritarian fascist politics is an essential part of neurosis-psychosis. But this form of contempt and also this form of neurosis-psychosis is also an essential part of Indian liberalism.
It is here imperative to understand that Marx’s idea of the “estranged mind” from Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844, Georg Lukács’ “reification of consciousness” from his History and Class Consciousness, R.D. Laing’s idea of the “divided self” and Theodor Adorno’s “general regression of thinking” are able to articulate caste as “neurosis-psychosis” along with Marx’s theory of alienation. What I am saying is that the idea of the caste system as “a sort of equilibrium, resulting from a general repulsion and constitutional exclusiveness, resulting between all its members”[8] fits in Marx’s theory of alienation, while the idea of the “wild aimless, unbounded forces of destruction”[9], fits in the theory of “neurosis-psychosis”. One must understand this rather strange combination of class, racism (as schizophrenic racism) and neurosis-psychosis that has given rise to both liberalism of Gandhi and Indian fascism. What I am saying is that caste combines both the sites of the economic base and the political and ideological superstructure of the reified-estranged mind. That is why I have brought in Marx’s problematic of alienation, reification and fetishism that deals with this Indian form of capitalism in India where caste and its accompanying schizophrenia is not only preserved, but actively reproduced, albeit in modern, capitalistic forms.
It is in this perspective that I say that the Indian revolution has a very specific and particular task which cannot be reduced to the question of the New Democratic Revolution and other allied questions. One needs here going to a quote from Slavoj Žižek. According to Žižek (he is quoting Gilles Deleuze here): “If you’re trapped in the dream of the other, you’re fucked”.[10] The problem is with the “caste question” we inevitably live in the dreams of the other. But it is not merely the other, but the Big Other which now literally f***s us all. Now who is this Big other that is f*****g us all.
The Big Other
“The tradition of all the dead generations”, so Marx once said, “weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living.”[11] Probably no other nation can be burdened by its past as India. For understanding this, let us go once more to the good old Marx:
And just as when they seemed engaged in revolutionizing themselves and things, creating something that did not exist before, precisely in such epochs of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service, borrowing from them names, battle slogans, and costumes in order to present this new scene in world history in time-honored disguise and borrowed language.[12]
It is this idea of “borrowed language” that we need to understand. We also need to understand what Marx meant by “conjuring up of the dead of world history”.[13] What I am saying is that caste—the unfortunate and terrible reality—appears in borrowed and conjured forms. Caste, or to be precise, Caste Overlordship as the Big Other, is both the ancient law giver and exploiter and also the appears as the modern bourgeois. But Caste Overlordship also has a habit of conjuring tales, the tales of “ahimsa” and “Ram Rajya” of “non-vegetarianism” and “cow protection”.
About caste there are infinite tales: Just as snakes and elephants wander around in India and just as the sadhu takes his flute and presto climbs up the magical rope only to disappear, so too caste is a part of this exotic India. These tales are those perfected by post-Ambedkar-Ambedkarites (from the RPI and BSP to centres of inclusion-exclusion). Caste for them is something unique and exotic about India. Then are other tales: caste is a mere part of an archaic division of labour and just as modernity dissolves the archaic, so too caste will inevitably be dissolved. The second tale is of the liberal democrats and the Stalinists.
But caste is neither an exotic or liberal tale. It is real and appears not only as the ritualistic priest of days gone by, but realizes itself as the fascist state itself, the state takes the form of the Big Other. This Big Other, one should further note, is anti-Marxist. He assures us that caste is excellent, and if it is not excellent then it will most certainly be abolished one fine day. And the best way that caste would be both affirmed and negated is in the Gandhian conjuring way. Consider Gandhi:
The injunction against Sudras studying the Vedas is not altogether unjustified: a Sudra, in other words, a person without moral education, without sense, and without knowledge would completely misread the Shastras.[14]
It is this nasty perspective that we mention what Marx said:
A ship of fools can be perhaps be allowed to drift before the wind for a good while; but it will still drift before the wind for a good while; but it will still drift to its doom precisely because the fools refuse to believe it possible. This doom is the approaching revolution. [15]
One can hope that the doom that Marx is talking of is the doom of the ruling classes. The ship of fools is comprised of the liberal democrats and the Stalinists. hey most certainly are going to crash on the rocks. Look at the ship of fools and see how they are drifting, without will, without plan for action. It is the liberal democrats who are without double going to crash, would they will let the entire nation crash, the proletariat included. And they would not crash in the revolution, but the counterrevolution. The leader of the Indian liberal democrats is not Nehru, but Gandhi. It is Gandhi. And he is steering the ship of fools.
In this case why has the nation been taught to worship Gandhi when he himself absolutely and unconditionally justifies the caste system and its demonical hierarchy, and along with the caste system justifies capitalism and landlordship where he classifies the Indian peasants and workers—the Sudras—as people “without moral education”? The terrain now has to change in the understanding the Indian revolution. This terrain is not of class conflict in the purely West European manner, class conflict devoid of the terrors of the caste system. The terrain is of the Indic variation of the Asiatic mode of production with the caste mode of production forming its economic base. It is in this new perspective, that we see the figure of the Big Other very clearly who like the tradition of all the dead generations is weighing like a nightmare on the brain of the living. The figure is of Gandhi. And now Gandhi is wearing jackboots marching to the tune of Ram Rajya and marching with him are the cows and vegetarians of the world. If Marx said that workers of the world should unite, for Gandhi (not to forget the fascists) it is the cows and vegetarians who should unite.
No wonder that for Ambedkar, Gandhi was the biggest counterrevolutionary. But then is anyone listening?
[1]Karl Marx, ‘To Arnold Ruge, March 1843’, in Karl Marx. Early Writings, trans. Rodney Livingstone and Gregor Benton (London: Penguin Books, 1992), p. 200.
[2] Peter Hudis, Frantz Fanon. Philosopher of the Barricades (London: Pluto Press: 2015), p. 1.
[4] Karl Marx, ‘The British Rule in India’, in Marx. Engels On Colonialism (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1976), p. 40-41.
[5] Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I trans. Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1983), pp. 321-2
[7] Karl Marx, ‘The British Rule in India’, in Marx. Engels. On Colonialism, p. 40.
[8] Karl Marx, ‘The Future Results of the British Rule in India’, p. 81.
[9] Karl Marx, ‘The British Rule in India’, p.41.
[10] Slavoj Žižek, Event. A Philosophical Journey through a Concept (London: Melville House, 2014), p. 74.
[11] Karl Marx, ‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte’, in Marx. Engels. Selected Works (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975), p. 96.
[14] M.K. Gandhi, The Bhagavad Gita (Mumbai: Jaico, 2017), p. 3.
[15] Karl Marx, ‘To Arnold Ruge, March 1843’, p. 200.
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Published on Sunday, 05 April 2020 17:37
The following statement has been endorsed by nearly 1160 individuals and women’s networks and organizations globally, from more than 100 countries, to demand States to adopt a feminist policy to address the extraordinary challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic in a manner that is consistent with human rights standards and principles.
This initiative was initiated by women from the Global South and marginalized communities in the Global North and was coordinated by the Feminist Alliance for Rights (FAR).
Please fill out this form if you want to endorse this petition: http://tiny.cc/endorsenow
We, the undersigned organizations committed to feminist principles and women’s human rights, call on governments to recall and act in accordance with human rights standards in their response to COVID-19 and uphold the principles of equality and non-discrimination, centering the most marginalized people — women, children, elderly, people with disabilities, people with compromised health, rural people, unhoused people, institutionalized people, LGBT+ people, refugees, migrants,indigenous peoples, stateless people, human rights defenders, and people in conflict and war zones. Feminist policy recognizes and prioritizes the needs of the most vulnerable communities. Beyond the response to this pandemic, it is necessary for the development of peaceful, inclusive and prosperous communities within human rights-driven states.
It is critical that governments utilize a human rights and intersectional based approach to ensure that everyone has access to necessary information, support systems and resources during the current crisis. We have recognized nine key areas of focus to be considered in the context of the COVID-19 crisis. They are listed below with brief descriptions of potential challenges and recommendations that consider the lived experiences of people in vulnerable position — especially women and girls that endure a disproportionate impact due to their sex, gender, and sexual orientation — and steer policymakers toward solutions that do not exacerbate their vulnerabilities or magnify existing inequality and ensure their human rights.
These guidelines are not a replacement for the engagement of women and girls and other marginalized communities in decision-making, but a rationale for consultation and diversity in leadership.
Key Focus Areas for a Feminist Policy on COVID-19
Food security. In countries that depend on food imports, there are fears of closing borders and markets and the inability to access food. This concern is exacerbated for people experiencing poverty and in rural communities, especially women, who do not have easy access to city centers and major grocery stores and markets. This leads to people with the means purchasing large quantities of goods which limits availability for those with lower incomes who are not able to do the same and are likely to face shortages when they attempt to replenish their food supplies.
In response to this challenge, we call on governments to:
Increase — or introduce — food stamps and subsidies, both in quantity for those already receiving them and in expansion of access to include those who become more vulnerable due to current circumstances
Direct businesses to ration nonperishable food supply to control inventory and increase access for those who, due to their income levels, must purchase over a longer period of time
Send food supply to rural communities to be stored and distributed as needed to eliminate the delay in accessing supply in city centers and safeguard against shortages due to delays in shipping
Send food supply to people unable to leave their homes (e.g. disabled people living alone or in remote areas)
Healthcare. All countries expect a massive strain on their public health systems due to the spread of the virus, and this can lead to decreased maternal health and increased infant mortality rates. There is often lack of access to healthcare services and medical supplies in rural communities. The elderly, people with disabilities, and people with compromised or suppressed immune systems are at high risk, and may not have live-in support systems. The change in routine and spread of the virus can create or exacerbate mental health issues. This crisis has a disproportionate impact on women who form, according to the World Health Organization’s March 2019 Gender equity in the health workforce working paper, 70% of workers in the health and social sector, according to the World Health Organisation. It also disproportionately affects those who provide care for others.
In response to this challenge, we call on governments to:
Ensure the availability of sex-disaggragated data and gender analysis, including differentiated infection and mortality rates.
Increase availability and delivery of healthcare services and responders, medical supplies, and medications
Ensure women’s timely access to necessary and comprehensive sexual and reproductive health services during the crisis, such as emergency contraception and safe abortion
Maintain an adequate stock of menstrual hygiene products at healthcare and community facilities
Train medical staff and frontline social workers to recognize signs of domestic violence and provide appropriate resources and services
Develop a database of high-risk people who live alone and establish a system and a network to maintain regular contact with and deliver supplies to them
Provide for the continued provision of health care services based on non-biased medical research and tests — unrelated to the virus — for women and girls
Implement systems to effectively meet mental health needs including accessible (e.g. sign language, captions) telephone/videocall hotlines, virtual support groups, emergency services, and delivery of medication
Support rehabilitation centers to remain open for people with disabilities and chronic illness
Direct all healthcare institutions to provide adequate health care services to people regardless of health insurance status, immigration status and affirm the rights of migrant people and stateless people — with regular and irregular status — and unhoused people to seek medical attention to be free from discrimination, detention, and deportation
Ensure health service providers and all frontline staff receive adequate training and have access to equipment to protect their own health and offer mental health support
Assess and meet the specific needs of women health service providers
Education. The closure of schools is necessary for the protection of children, families, and communities and will help to flatten the curve so that the peak infection rate stays manageable. It, however, presents a major disruption in education and the routine to which children are accustomed. In many cases, children who depend on the school lunch program will face food insecurity. They also become more vulnerable to violence in their homes and communities which can go undetected due to no contact. School closures also have a disproportionate burden on women who traditionally undertake a role as caregivers.
In response to this challenge, we call on governments to:
Direct educational institutions to prepare review and assignment packages for children to keep them academically engaged and prevent setbacks and provide guidance for parents on the use of the material
Create educational radio programming appropriate for school-age children
Subsidize childcare for families unable to make alternate arrangements for their children
Expand free internet access to increase access to online educational platforms and material and enable children to participate in virtual and disability-accessible classroom sessions where available
Provide laptops for children who need them in order to participate in on-line education
Adopt measures to ensure they continue receiving food by making sure it can be delivered or collected
Provide extra financial and mental health support for families caring for children with disabilities
Social inequality. These exist between men and women, citizens and migrants, people with regular and irregular status, people with and without disabilities, neurotypical and neuroatypical people, and other perceived dichotomies or non-binary differences as well as racial, ethnic, and religious groups. Existing vulnerabilities are further complicated by loss of income, increased stress, and unequal domestic responsibilities. Women and girls will likely have increased burdens of caregiving which will compete with (and possibly replace) their paid work or education. Vulnerable communities are put at further risk when laws are enacted, or other measures are introduced, that restrict their movement and assembly, particularly when they have less access to information or ability to process it.
In response to this challenge, we call on governments to:
Encourage the equitable sharing of domestic tasks in explicit terms and through allowances for time off and compensation for all workers
Provide increased access to sanitation and emergency shelter spaces for unhoused people
Implement protocol and train authorities on recognizing and engaging vulnerable populations, particularly where new laws are being enforced
Consult with civil society organizations the process of implementing legislation and policy
Ensure equal access to information, public health education and resources in multiple languages, including sign and indigenous peoples languages, accessible formats, and easy-to-read and plain languages
Water and sanitation. Everyone does not have access to clean running water.
In response to this challenge, we call on governments to:
Ensure infrastructure is in place for clean, potable water to be piped into homes and delivered to underserved areas
Cease all disconnections and waive all reconnection fees to provide everyone with clean, potable water
Bring immediate remedy to issues of unclean water
Build public handwashing stations in communities
Economic inequality. People are experiencing unemployment, underemployment, and loss of income due to the temporary closure of businesses, reduced hours, and limited sick leave, vacation, personal time off and stigmatization. This negatively impacts their ability to meet financial obligations, generates bigger debts, and makes it difficult for them to acquire necessary supplies. Due to closures and the need for social distancing, there is also lack of care options and ability to pay for care for children, the elderly, and people with disabilities. This produces a labor shift from the paid or gig economy to unpaid economy as family care providers.
In response to this challenge, we call on governments to:
Implement moratoriums on evictions due to rental and mortgage arrears and deferrals of rental and mortgage payments for those affected, directly or indirectly, by the virus and for people belonging to vulnerable groups
Provide Universal Basic Income for those with lost income
Provide financial support to unhoused people, refugees, and women’s shelters
Provide additional financial aid to elderly people and people with disabilities
Expedite the distribution of benefits
Modify sick leave, parental and care leave, and personal time off policies
Direct businesses to invite employees to work remotely on the same financial conditions as agreed prior to pandemic
Distribute packages with necessities including soap, disinfectants, and hand sanitizer
Violence against women, domestic violence/Intimate partner violence (DV/IPV). Rates and severity of domestic violence/intimate partner violence against women, including sexual and reproductive violence, will likely surge as tension rises. Mobility restrictions (social distance, self-isolation, extreme lockdown, or quarantine) will also increase survivors’ vulnerability to abuse and need for protection services. (See Economic inequality.) Escape will be more difficult as the abusive partner will be at home all the time. Children face particular protection risks, including increased risks of abuse and/or being separated from their caregivers. Accessibility of protection services will decline if extreme lockdown is imposed as public resources are diverted. Women and girls fleeing violence and persecution will not be able to leave their countries of origin or enter asylum countries because of the closure of borders and travel restrictions.
In response to this challenge, we call on governments to:
Establish separate units within police departments and telephone hotlines to report domestic violence
Increase resourcing for nongovernmental organizations that respond to domestic violence and provide assistance — including shelter, counselling, and legal aid — to survivors, and promote those that remain open are available
Disseminate information about gender-based violence and publicize resources and services available
Direct designated public services, including shelters, to remain open and accessible
Ensure protection services implement programs that have emergency plans that include protocols to ensure safety for residents and clients
Develop a protocol for the care of women who may not be admitted due to exposure to the virus which includes safe quarantine and access to testing
Extend the duration of judicial precautionary measures/protection orders to cover the whole mandatory period of lockdown and quarantine
Make provisions for domestic violence survivors to attend court proceedings via accessible teleconference
Direct police departments to respond to all domestic violence reports and connect survivors with appropriate resources
Ensure women and girls and other people in vulnerable positions are not rejected at the border, have access to the territory and to asylum legal procedures. If needed, they will be given access to testing
Access to information. There is unequal access to reliable information, especially for those structurally discriminated against and belonging to marginalized communities. People will need to receive regular updates from national health authorities for the duration of this crisis.
In response to this challenge, we call on governments to:
Launch public campaigns to prevent and contain the spread of the virus
Consult and work with civil society in all initiatives to provide information to the public
Make information available to the public in plain language and accessible means, modes and formats, including internet, radio and text messages
Ensure people with disabilities have access to information through sign language, closed captions, and other appropriate means
Increase subsidies to nongovernmental organizations that will ensure messages translated and delivered through appropriate means to those who speak different languages or have specific needs
Build and deploy a task force to share information and resources with vulnerable people with specific focus on unhoused, people with disabilities, migrant, refugees, and neuroatypical people
Abuse of power. People in prisons, administrative migration centers, refugee camps, and people with disabilities in institutions and psychiatric facilities are at higher risk of contagion due to the confinement conditions. They can also become more vulnerable to abuse or neglect as a result of limited external oversight and restriction of visits. It is not uncommon for authorities to become overzealous in their practices related to enforcement of the law and introduction of new laws. During this crisis, vulnerable people, especially dissidents, are at a higher risk of having negative, potentially dangerous interactions with authorities.
In response to this challenge, we call on governments to:
Provide and implement restrictions in relation to COVID-19 in accordance with the law. Any restriction should be strictly necessary, proportionate and in the interest of legitimate objectives of general interest
Monitor restrictions taken in the public interest do not result in any gender-specific harm to women and girls who are already extremely vulnerable and at risk of being denied their basic human rights
Consult any changes in existing laws with human rights organizations and Ombudsperson/Human Rights Defenders
Encourage law enforcement officers to focus on increasing safety rather than arrests
Train law enforcement officers, care workers, and social workers to recognize vulnerabilities and make necessary adjustments in their approach and engagement
Adopt human rights-oriented protocols to reduce spreading of the virus in detention and confinement facilities
Strengthen external oversight and facilitate safe contact with relatives i.e. free telephone calls
Support civil society organizations and country Ombudsperson/Human Rights Defenders in monitoring the developments within those institutions on a regular basis
Commit to discontinuing emergency laws and powers once pandemic subsides and restore the check and balances mechanism
Signed by:
Networks and organizations
1. 4M Mentor Mothers Network
2. A Long Walk Home
3. ABAAD-Resource Center for Gender Equality
4. ABOFEM ARGENTINA
5. Action pour l’Education et la Promotion de la Femme (AEPF-Tchad)
6. Activista Ghana
7. Adivasi Dalit Woman Civil Rights Forum
8. African Diaspora Women’s Network
9. African Disability Forum- ADF
10. African Women 4 Empowerment
11. African Women Leaders Forum
12. AFROAMERICAS
13. AKAHATA
14. Akina Mama wa Afrika
15. Akshara Centre
16. Aliansi Remaja Independen Sulawesi Selatan
17. All India Progressive Women’s Association AIPWA
18. Alliances for Africa
19. AMVFE
20. ANANDI
21. Annie North Women’s Refugee and Domestic Violence Service
22. Arab Women Network for Parity and Solidarity
23. Arise Nigerian Woman Foundation
24. Arts for Women Indonesia
25. Artykuł 6 (Article 6 feminist disability collective)
26. Asamblea Feminista Plurinacional
27. Asian-Pacific Resource and Research Centre for Women (ARROW)
28. Asociación Ciudadana ACCEDER
29. Associação brasileira de antropologia- Brazilian Anthropology Association
30. Association for Advocacy and Legal Initiatives Trust (AALI)
31. association Tunisienne des femmes démocrates
32. Associazione Dream Team Donne in Rete
33. Associazione Il Giardino dei Ciliegi
34. Associazione Maddalena
35. Associazione Orlando
36. Associazione Risorse Donna
37. Associazione Topnomastica femminile
38. Aswat Nissa
39. AtGender
40. ATHENA Network
41. Atria, institute on gender equality and women’s history
42. AWID
43. Awmr Italia Donne della Regione Mediterranea
44. Balance AC
45. Bangladesh Centre for Human Rights and Development (BCHRD)
46. Bangladesh Model Youth Parliament (Protiki Jubo Sangsahd)
47. Baobab Women’s Project CIC
48. BAPSA
49. Believe mental health care organisation
50. Berliński Kongres Kobiet
51. Beyond Beijing Committee (BBC)Nepal
52. Border Crit Institute
53. BraveHeart Initiative for Youth & Women
54. Breakthrough (India)
55. Breakthrough (USA)
56. Broadsheet, New Zealand’s Feminist Magazine
57. Campaign for Lead Free Water
58. Canadian Feminist Network
59. CARAM Asia
60. Catholics for Reproductive Health
61. CEDAW Committee of Trinidad and Tobago
62. CEHAT
63. Center for Building Resilient Communities
64. Center for gender and sexual and reproductive health, James P Grant school of public health
65. Center for Hunger-Free Communities
66. Center for Justice and International Law (CEJIL)
67. Center for Migrant Advocacy Philippines
68. Center for Women’s Global Leadership
69. Center for Women’s Health and Human Rights, Suffolk University
70. Center Women and Modern World
71. Centre for Feminist Foreign Policy
72. Centre for Gender Justice
73. Centre for Social Concern and Development (CESOCODE)
74. Centro de Derechos de Mujeres
75. Centro de Mujeres ACCION YA
76. Centro di Women’s Studies Milly Villa - Università della Calabria
77. CENTRO MUJERES A.C.
78. Centro Mujeres Latinas
79. CETEC
80. Channel Foundation
81. CHIRAPAQ Centro de Culturas Indígenas del Perú
82. CHOUF
83. Closet de Sor Juana
84. Coalition for Sexual and Bodily Rights in Muslim Societies (CSBR)
85. COFEM
86. Colectiva Lésbica Feminista Irreversibles
87. Colectivo "Género y Teología para el Desarrollo"
88. Collettivo Anguane
89. Comisión de Antropología Feminista y de Género, Colegio de Etnólogos y Antropólogos Sociales A.C
90. Comité de América Latina y el Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de las Mujeres, CLADEM
91. Common Health
92. Community Care for Emergency Response and Rehabilitation
93. Community Healthcare Initiative
94. Comunicación, Intercambio y Desarrollo Humano en América Latina, Asociación Civil ( CIDHAL, A. C.)
95. Congregation of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd
96. Consortium on Gender, Security and Human Rights
97. Cooperativa Sociale Centro Donne Mantova
98. Coordinadora de la Mujer
99. COSPE
100. Council of Indigenous Women of Lower Lands of Europe
101. Courageous people health and development lnitiative
102. CREA
103. Creativería Social, AC
104. DAWN Canada
105. Design Studio for Social Intervention
106. DESSI International
107. Development in Practice, Gender and Entrepreneurial Initiative (DIPGEI)
108. DIVA for Equality
109. Dorothy Njemanze Foundation
110. Dziewuchy Berlin
111. This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
112. Emma organization for human development
113. EMPOWER Malaysia
114. End Violence Against Women Coalition (UK)
115. Enhancing Access to Health for Poverty reduction in Tanzania (EAHP Tanzania)
116. Enlace Continental de Mujeres Indígenas de las Américas ECMIA
117. Enlightenment and empowerment of northern women initiative
118. Equality Bahamas
119. Equipo Jurídico por los Derechos Humanos
120. Equipop
121. Etihad Peace Minorities Welfare Foundation
122. EuroMed Rights
123. European Roma Rights Centre (Brussels, Belgium)
124. FACICP Disability Plus
125. Families Planning Association of Puerto Rico (PROFAMILIAS)
126. Family Planning Association of Nepal
127. FAMM Indonesia
128. Federation for Women and Family Planning
129. Federation of Sexual and Gender Minoriites Nepal
130. Federazione Femminile Evangelica Valdese e Metodista
131. Female Safe Environments-Her Safe Place
132. FEMBUD
133. Femini Berlin Polska
134. Feminist Alliance for Rights
135. Feminist Humanitarian Network
136. Feminist Policy Collective
137. Feminoteka Foundation
138. Femmes leadership et développement durable
139. FEMNET - African Women’s Development and Communication Network
140. Fiji Women’s Rights Movement (FWRM)
141. First Future Leadership
142. Flash Dynamic Concepts
143. Fondo Centroamericano de Mujeres
144. Food Corporation of India Handling Workers Union
145. Food Sovereignty Alliance, India
146. For Violence-Free Family Coalition
147. Forum Against Oppression of Women
148. Forum against Sex Selection
149. Four Worlds Europe
150. Fund for Congolese Women
151. Fundación Arcoíris por el respeto a la diversidad sexual
152. Fundación Código Humano
153. Fundacion Estudio e Investigacion de mujer FEIM
154. FUNDACION MARIA AMOR
155. Fundación Puntos de Encuentro
156. Fundacja "Inicjatywa Kobiet Aktywnych"
157. Fundacja Dziewuchy Dziewuchom
158. Furia vzw
159. GAMAG
160. Gamana Mahila Samuha
161. Gantala Press, Inc.
162. GAYa NUSANTARA Foundation
163. Gender and Environmental Risk Reduction Initiative(GERI)
164. Gender and Sociology Department, Institute of Sociology, Czech Academy of Sciences
165. Gender at Work
166. Gender Awareness Trust
167. Gender Equality,,Peace and Development Centre
168. GenDev Centre for Research and Innovation, India
169. Gimtrap AC
170. GirlHQ Foundation
171. Girls Voices Initiative
172. Girlupac
173. Global Alliance for Tax Justice
174. Global Fund for Children
175. Global Fund for Women
176. Global Justice Center
177. Global Rights for Women
178. Global South Coalition for Dignified Menstruation
179. Global Women’s Institute
180. Graduate Women International
181. Grandmothers Advocacy Network
182. Grupo de Estudos Feministas em Política e Educação (GIRA/UFBA)
183. Grupo Guatemalteco de Mujeres-GGM
184. Hawai’i Institute for Human Rights
185. Herstoire Collective
186. Hollaback! Czech
187. Hope for the Needy Association
188. Humanity in Action Poland
189. ICW - International Community of Women Living with HIV
190. Icw argentina
191. Identities Media
192. If/When/How: Lawyering for Reproductive Justice
193. IMMAHACO Ladies COOPERATIVE Society 87 set
194. Inclusive Bangladesh
195. iNitiatives for Nigeria
196. Institute for Economic Justice
197. Institute for Gender and Development Studies-University of the West Indies
198. Institute for Young Women Development
199. Institute of Gender Studies, University of Guyana
200. Instituto de Estudos de Gênero da UFSC e NIGS UFSC
201. Instituto de Investigación y Estudios en Cultura de Derechos Humanos CULTURADH
202. Instituto de Transformación social de pr
203. Instituto de la Mujer
204. Instituto RIA
205. Interamerican Network of Women Shelters
206. International Center for Advocates Against Discrimination (ICAAD)
207. International Commission on Global Feminisms and Queer Politics (IUAES)
208. International WOmen’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific
209. International Women’s Rights Project
210. Ipas CAM
211. Istituto Comprensivo Statale "Don G. Russolillo"
212. Jaringan Muda Setara
213. Jaringan Perempuan Yogyakarta - Yogyakarta Women’s Network
214. Jordanian National Commission for Women
215. Journal of International Women’s Studies
216. Justice Institute Guyana
217. Kenya Female Advisory Organization
218. Kotha
219. L’union de l’action féministe
220. LABIA - A Queer Feminist LBT Collective
221. Latin American and Caribbean Womens Health Network
222. Le kassandre
223. Le Maestre Ignoranti
224. Lesbianas Independientes Feministas Socialistas - LIFS
225. LGBTI+ Gozo
226. Libera...Mente Donna ets
227. Liberian women Humanitarian Network
228. Life in Leggings: Caribbean Alliance Against Gender-based Violence
229. Lon-art Creative
230. LOOM
231. MADRE
232. Mahila Sarvangeen Utkarsh Mandal (MASUM)
233. Malcolm X Center For Self Determination
234. Mama Na Mtoto Initiative(Mami)
235. Manifest Wolnej Polki
236. MAP Foundation
237. Marie Stopes International
238. McMaster University
239. Mesa Acción por el Aborto en Chile
240. MEXFAM AC
241. Movimiento de Mujeres de Chinandega
242. MOVULAC ONG
243. MOWA Band of Choctaw Indians
244. Mt Shasta Goddess Temple
245. Mujer Y Salud en Uruguay-MYSU
246. Mujeres+Mujeres
247. Mulier
248. MUSAS Peru
249. NAPM
250. NAPOLINMENTE a.p.s.
251. Narasi Perempuan
252. Naripokkho
253. National Alliance Of Women Human Right Defender/Tarangini Foundation
254. National Alliance of Women’s Organisations
255. National Birth Equity Collaborative
256. National Forum Of Women With Disabilities
257. National Network For Immigrant And Refugee Rights
258. National Platform For The Rights Of The Disabled
259. NDH LLC
260. Nederlandse Vereniging Gender & Gezondheid
261. NEPEM - Center of feminist studies at Federal University of Minas Gerais
262. Network for Community Development
263. Nigerian Feminist Forum
264. Nigerian Professional Working Women Organization
265. Nobel Women’s Initiaitve
266. NoMore234NG
267. Non una di meno
268. O.A.B.I.: Organization for Abused and Battered Individuals
269. Observatorio de Géneroy Equidad
270. Odri Intersectional rights
271. Omni Center for Peace, Justice & Ecology
272. ONG ESE:O
273. Organización Artemisas
274. Organization Name
275. Orikalankini
276. Our Generation For Inclusive Peace
277. OutRight International
278. Oxfam (various offices)
279. Oxford Human Rights Hub
280. Pan African Positive Women’s Coalition-Zimbabwe
Parteciparte
Pastoralist Girls Initiative
Peasants Dragnet
Perempuan Mahardhika
Perhimpunan Pembela Masyarakat Adat Nusantara (PPMAN) – Indigenous Lawyers Association Archipelagos
Perkumpulan Lintas Feminist Jakarta / Jakarta Feminist Association
PES Women
Pittsburgh Human Rights City Alliance
Plan International
Por la Superación de la Mujer A.C.
Power in her story / Manila Feminista
Programa de Investigacion Feminista, CEIICH UNAM
Programa Género, Cuerpo y Sexualidad de la FHCE/UDELAR
Promundo-US
Punto Género
Qbukatabu
Queer Women in Business + Allies
Race, Racism and the Law
Radha Paudel Foundation
Raising Voices
RALI – Reborn Athena Legal Initiative
Rassemblement Contre la Hogra et pour les Droits des Algeriennes :”RAHDA”
Rays of Hope Community Foundation
Red Chiapas por la Paridad Efectiva
Red de Educación Popular entre Mujeres – REPEM
Red de la No Violencia contra las Mujeres-REDNOVI
Red de Mujeres contra la violencia
Red de Mujeres por una Opinión Pública con Perspectiva de Género en Campeche AC
Red Mexicana de ciencia tecnología y genero
Red Nacional de Refugios AC
Red Nacional Universitaria por la Equidad de Género en la Educación Superior
Red Thread
Rede Nao Cala USP – Network of professors against gender violence at the University of Sao Paulo
Remember Our Sisters Everywhere
Reporteros de investigación
Restless Development Nepal
Rutgers WPF Indonesia
Rutgers WPF Indonesia
Sacred Circle of Indigenous Women of Europe
SAHAJ
SAHAYOG
Salamander Trust
Samsara
Sanctus Initiative for Human Development and Values Sustainability (SIHDEVAS]N
Sangsan Anakot Yawachon Development Project
Save Generations Organization
Sehjira Foundation
Sex Workers Outreach Project (SWOP) Behind Bars
Shayisfuba feminist collective
Shedecides
Shifting the Power Coalition – Pacific
Shirakat – Partnership for Development
Shishu Aangina
Simavi
Society for the Improvement of Rural People(SIRP)
Solidarite Des Jeunes Filles Pour L’education Et L’integration Socioprofessionnelle, Sojfep
Sonke Gender Justice
Soroptimist International
SPACE UNJ
Spatium Libertas AC
Spinifex Press
Stop au Chat Noir
Studentato universitario San Giuseppe
Success Capital Organisation
Suppressed Histories Archives
T’ruah: The Rabbinic Call for Human Rights
Tag a Life International (TaLI)
Tanzania Home Economics Association
Tarangini Foundation
Tata Institute of Social Sciences
TEDS TRUST and DAWNS
The Center for Building Resilient Communities
The Citizens’News
The Gender Security Project
The Institute for Gender and Development Studies, RCO
The Queer Muslim Project
The Story Kitchen
The Well Project
Todos Ciudadanas, AC
Toponomastica femminile
Trannational Decolonial QTPOC
Transgenders Fiji Network
Transnational United Front against Fascism
UBC
Ukrainian Association for Research in Women’s History
Unchained At Last
Union Women Center Georgia
United African Diaspora
University of Namibia
US Human Rights Network
Vida Reavivida AC
Visible Impact
Visthar
VOICE
Wave – Women against violence Europe
WE-Change Jamaica
Welfare Rights Organization
WESNET
WIDOWS DEVELOPMENT ORGANISATION
Widows Rights International
WILDAF-AFRIQUE DE L’OUEST
Wokovu Way
Women Advocates Research and Documentation Center
Women Against Rape(WAR) Inc.
Women against Sexual Violence and State Repression
Women Against Violence
Women and Girls of African Descent Caucus:Descendants of Enslaved Persons brought to the Americas During the Transatlantic Slave Trade Era
Women and Health Together For The Future (WHTF)
Women and Law in Southern Africa – Mozambique
Women Enabled International
Women Entrepreneurs Association of Nigeria (WEAN)
Women for a Change
Women for Peace and Gender Equality Initiative
Women for Peace and Unity Growth Initiative
Women for Women’s Human Rights – New Ways
Women Foundation of Nigeria WFN
Women Health Together for Future
Women in Distress Organisation
Women Liberty and Development Initiative
Women March Lampung
Women Transforming Cities International Society
Women Working Group ( WWG)
Women’s Earth and Climate Action Network (WECAN)
Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights
Women’s Human Rights Education Institute
women’s initiative “One of Us”
Women’s Legal and Human Rights Bureau, Inc. (WLB)
Women’s Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC) Nepal
Women’s Resource and Advicacy Centre / WOMEN 2030
Women’s All Points Bulletin, WAPB
Women’s Probono Initiative(WPI)
Women’s rights and health project
World Pulse
Y Coalition
Young Feminist Europe
Youth Action Nepal
Youth Changers Kenya
Youth Development Center
YUWA
Yuwalaya
Zamara Foundation
422. Zimbabwe Women’s Resource Centre and Network
Individuals [1156]
Aanu’ Rotimi
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De luna
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Dorothy Njemanze
Dorsaf Zouari
Dosia Calderon-Maydon
Dudu Manuga
E. Vanessa Bethel
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Edith Pineda Hernández
Eduardo Salazar
Elaine Gorman
Eleane Proo Méndez
Eleazer Aderibigbe
Elena Campedelli
Elena Estavillo
Elena Schnabl
Ellen J Ferranti,MD
Ellen K Foster
Elsa Gomez
Elsa Soussan
Elvira Risino
Emanuela Arena
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Erika Guevara Rosas
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Esther Mkamori
Esther Vicente
Eva Cech Valentová
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Imma Barbarossa
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Itzel Uc Domínguez
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Ivonne Banco
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Jade Castelijn
JAMES NEZ
Jami Parrish
Jan Schwartz
Jane Pennoyer
Jane Rudden
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