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From Philanthropy to Human Rights: A Perspective for Activism in the Field of Health Care


Amar Jesani

This is the key note addresses at the Conference on “Towards people centred development”, for the celebration of the Diamond Jubilee of the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, November 1 to 4, 1996.*

In last three decades the campaigns on health issues have come to occupy a rightful place in the agenda of social activists and social workers. The efforts of health activists in this period have gradually brought health issues into the consciousness of a broader section of people. Some educational and training institutions have separate departments studying and teaching health and health care. New institutions, exclusively devoted to research, education, training, etc. in health and health care have been established. The popular media for long highlighted only the spectacular achievements of medical sciences. However, they too have started giving better coverage to the health issues which affect masses. There is increasing evidence to suggest that in coming time the health issues may figure more prominently in the national debates than ever.

Ironically, when health issues are emerging as issues of everybody’s concern, the activist organisations working specifically on health and which were in the first place responsible for bringing health on to the agenda of so many other organisations and movements, are showing signs of profound crisis and decline. This paradox is perhaps inevitable and points to the need for fresh thinking. Its inevitability flows from the very fact that the health issues have spread beyond the confines of the health activist groups, making the work on health by these organisations less prominent than it was in the past. The health activist groups are thus required to cope with new reality, reintegrate their efforts with others and develop a perspective that could knit multiplicity of efforts into a larger movement for changes in the health situation. The responsibility of other social forces and organisations dealing with health issues is equally daunting, for they have developed concerns on some of the health issues in the same line taken up by the health activist groups for so long. There is also a danger that their work on the health issues might remain episodic, devoid of real strategic significance in their struggle for social change. Thus, the need to understand lessons of last three decades of health activism and evolving an integrative perspective on health has become more urgent than ever.

What are health issues?

It has always been difficult to clearly define health. I take the easiest way by using the most quoted definition. The World Health Organisation (WHO) defines health as “a state of complete physical, mental and social well being and not merely absence of disease or infirmity”. This definition is widely accepted as it not only puts the health care intervention into proper perspective but also emphasises need to integrate all developmental efforts which could make healthy living possible. Thus, health is one of the essential goal of all developmental efforts. Taken from this angle, even when “health issues” did not separately appear in the development and in people’s struggles, those developments and movements were also for improving health. Struggle for better wages, for land, etc. and strategies for rural development, poverty alleviation, community development etc. were therefore also geared to the task of achieving better health status for people. Second point emerging from the WHO definition is that if the health is “a state of well being”, such a state cannot be static. So it is not possible to say that if one has achieved certain health status indicators, one has achieved health once and for all. Whenever certain health indicators are used as goal for achieving health, they only mean presently desirable or socially acceptable level of well being. The state of well being is thus very much a product of people’s perception and understanding of health and objectively, of the stage of development or the kind of socio-economic system that the development promotes.

Thus, improvement in health status or its deterioration is an invariable part of any development. And each achievement of a level of health status creates new state of well being which in turn lays foundation for further development for better health. That makes the whole debate on how and for whom the development should take place, essentially a debate on health. There are four terms, which provide key to the genuine development. They are equity, participation, empowerment and sustainability. The equity addresses to correction of the mal-distribution of control over and access to resources. The participation ensures equal opportunity and creation of conditions for utilisation of opportunities, and it is not only in terms of benefiting from the developmental programmes but in terms of participation in formulating and implementing development plans at the local and national levels through the democratic institutions. In a way, it also demands the extension of democracy from the political sphere to social and economic spheres. The equity and participation should be empowering in nature, that is, they should provide education, technique and skills for exercising and sustaining control over the development process by the people. And lastly, such genuine development should not be episodic, excessively dependent (thus perpetually at the mercy of outside forces), and has internal dynamism for sustaining it in the medium and long term. Going one step farther, one can even say that sustainability does not mean static sustenance at one point, but also the sustainability of the dynamic of development. Many societies and social systems initially showed great promise by reorganising their systems and by achieving good equity, but they collapsed simply because they could not develop a dynamic of growth at a level expected or demanded by people.

All these aspects of development apply to health, for the health is a part of the development, for it is both an outcome of the development as well as a condition for achieving development. The Alm Ata Conference (WHO, 1978) recognised that “health is dependent on social and economic development, and also contributes to it”. For example, the iniquitous social and economic development creates iniquitous health status of the people and iniquitous access to all necessary health care; and they in turn affect the quality of life of various strata of people. The proponents of market economy often see health primarily as productivity and contributor in creation of better productivity in the market economy. For instance, the World Development Report (World Bank, 1993), “Investing in Health”, 1993, identifies four ways in which the improved health contributes to economic growth: “it reduces production losses caused by worker illness; it permits the use of natural resources that had been totally or nearly inaccessible because of disease; it increases enrolment of children in school and makes them better able to learn; and it frees for alternative uses resources that would otherwise have to be spent on treating illness”. While contribution of health in development is a truism not needing more emphasis, to emphasis usefulness of health primarily for a particular system of economic organisation, the capitalism, is close to the kind of objectification of everything that market economy creates. For example, often women’s education is advocated for the purpose of reducing population, as if had the population come down by keeping women uneducated, they wouldn’t have considered it useful to educate them. In the market economy of health care, the system advocated by this report; there is no evidence that better health has reduced society’s proportionate expenditure on health. On the contrary, for example, as the developed countries became “healthier”, their health care expenditure have increased, particularly the market health care of the USA. Besides, such an approach to the health usually runs counter to the developmental and health care needs of the aged, the disabled, the unemployed, the dispossessed, the children - the strata of people considered non-productive. Since household work done by women is not considered a part of the productive economy of capitalism, a big proportion of women would also get less emphasis.

If the health is the state of well being of people, all efforts that go into caring and achieving better well being would automatically constitute health care. As explained above, such effort encompasses entire range of the pro-people developmental activity and change.

Narrowly defined, the health care would constitute those efforts that cure, prevent and promote people to have life without illnesses. This definition flows from the much maligned medical model of health care, and includes curative, preventive and promotive aspects of medical care. Since medical model is often more narrowly understood as curative care, the term health care is used to emphasise that all three components are given importance. Further, when we talk of increasing importance of health issues, we normally mean health care issues as narrowly defined here and at the most, those specific socio-economic issues, which have some direct implication on health and health care.

A focus of many debates in the past has actually been on to what extent the narrowly defined health care contributed to improving health status of people. The origin of these debates was in a reaction to the highly dominant medical model of health, the unprecedented increase in the power of medical profession and medical institutions, and they becoming the sole decision maker on everything about health. Interestingly, the ascendance of medical model started in the 19th century when the scientific medicine achieved hegemony in the Western Europe. Germs were discovered, the germ theory of disease became popular, and so were many other advances. And aboveall, the professionalisation of medicine took place. So it was natural that in that century only the first rigorous effort to show limits of medicine occurred. The pioneer of social medicine, Rudolf Virchow (1985), carried out intensive studies in communicable diseases and brought out the socio-economic determinant of health and illness. He indeed coined the slogan that “Medicine is a social science and politics nothing but medicine on a grand scale”. But Virchow worked at a time when scientific medicine was getting strengthened but had not yet produced tools to control diseases. So the best way that society could employ to combat illhealth was public health campaigns. The mid-19th century England thus witnessed great exposure of abysmal conditions of people and at the same time movements for legislations and regulations for controlling factory conditions, looking after indigent, providing education, public health, etc. Thus, some of Virchow’s revolutionary ideas were implemented by the state in non-revolutionary ways.

But as the medicine progressed in developing tools, particularly the discovery of antibiotics during the World War II, and the post-war boom in the economy with technological revolution producing effective remedies, it strengthened its position, and that of medical profession. This position of medicine was challenged only in 1960s and 1970s when strong critique of medical model reappeared. This was aided by the works of persons like Thomas Mckeown (1979), who by doing historical analysis concluded that though the clinical medicine has its own, but modest, place in health care, the other factors like nutrition, environment, behaviour etc. had long term impact on improving health status of people. Afterall, the developed countries had brought the communicable diseases under control long before the medicine to treat them were discovered.

The health issues discussed in this paper:

From what I have narrated so far it is clear that health and health care are not something that could be restricted to medicine and doctors. It would appear natural that our perspective should focus on the socio-economic determinants of health and not on the health care or medical care services. That is what I don’t intend to do. For in this conference, many other campaigns and issues are being taken up for discussion. They all have contributory or determining impact on health of people. Repeating those issues only to specifically connect them to health would not give the participants sufficient material to discuss on. This apart, there are, other important reasons for discussing health care issues in relation to formal health care services, including medicine.

(1) This is a somewhat neglected area of discussion, particularly by the non-health groups. The non-health activists often feel intimidated by medicine. They feel that since they do not understand its science in so well a way as health activists do, it would not be correct on their part to take it up on a big way. But it need not be so. It must be kept in mind that the activist health groups which have significantly contributed in making health issues everybody’s business were or are not constituted by the committed and socially oriented doctors alone.

(2) It would have been easy to under-emphasise health care had it been merely a collection of technologies and technocrats. They are there, but they are only a part of the social, economic and political organisation of health care. They derive their power, prestige and privileges from this system, and therefore, it is the society to ultimately decide on what kind of system it needs. The specific aim of health activism is to bring about changes in the organisation of health care services so that services are made accessible, they are brought under the control of people and finally, people are participants in the delivery and not just recipient.

(3) The developmental issues such as equity, participation, empowerment and sustainability are as valid for these services as for attaining better health status and the level of development.

(4) The correct emphasis on the socio-economic determinants has sometimes wrongly ignored the rightful place of medicine and health care services. While there are limits of medicine, there is also indispensable need for medicine and health care services for people and the society. While emphasising the prevention and promotion in health care, we must keep in mind that curative care is not ignored.

(5) Lastly, the health care services in India are likely to witness great upheavals in the next few years. As we will show later, the deliberate government policies have encouraged the mindless high cost growth of private sector. In the new economic drive for the market and privatisation, this private sector, operating both in provision of services and financing, is becoming more and more impatient to encroach and take over the public health care services. A balanced pro-people perspective for health activism in this area is therefore becoming an urgent need.

I. Health Care Services: A Brief History

The concern and work for health is as old as the human civilisation. The survival and good living have always been the prime concerns of human beings all the time. Thus, the development of civilisation also had an element of the development of health care. The health care was indeed conditioned and determined by the level of development, the knowledge, skill and technological base of the society at that point of time. Two other crucial elements played their part in the development of health care. One was the dominant ideology of the time and another was social and economic structure. They either helped in the development or retarded it. For instance, the Indian medicine made a transition to rational and scientific therapeutics very early in the history and showed great promise of scientific development. However, as Debiprasad Chattopadhyay (1977) has argued, the changes in social conditions of that time stifled the growth of its rational kernel. The entrenched priestly class and its “counter-ideology” showed prolonged contempt for medicine and its practitioners, and that seriously interfered with the development of Indian medicine. Only in the short spell of revolutionary Buddha period the medical science flourished again, but this spark was extinguished when Buddhism lost its revolutionary fervour and was eventually defeated. The Indian medicine, thereafter, could never come out of these fetters, the upheavals of medieval times and deliberate neglect as well as undermining of Indian medicine under the British rule crippled it further.

In terms of development of public health and services, there are some scanty evidences available. For instance, as per the archaeological evidence, in the earliest known Indian civilisation, the Indus Valley Culture (3000 to 2000 BC), the cities had well planned drainage system, almost all houses had bathrooms, many houses had latrines and most houses had wells for water supply (Sigerist, 1987, pp. 143). This indeed provides evidence of state’s involvement in public health. On the other hand, the evidence of state’s regulatory function on health care is available from Kautilya’s Arthashastra (written sometime between 4th Century BC and 150 AD). It provides evidence that the state exercised authority on doctors at the time of epidemics, it mandated reporting of treatment of severely wounded persons, and most importantly, it prescribed an elaborate system of granting monetary compensation for injuries due to treatment, particularly when the doctor had failed to provide information about the treatment involving danger to life (Kangle, 1972). On the other hand, our ancient text books of medicine, particularly Charaka-samhita is very elaborate on the internal ethical regulation of physicians. Similar involvement of the state in regulating health care is recorded elsewhere, the well-known of them being the Babylonian Code of Hammurabi (300 BC) wherein, the rights and duties of physician were provided and harsh punishment for negligence and causing injuries were prescribed. There were also other state sanctioned codes at that time such as the Assyrian laws, the Mosaic Code, the Code of Hitties etc. The best known code for internal regulation of doctor’s conduct was the Hippocratic Oath of Greek medicine.

Health care service system: While the points made above indicate concomitant development of medical science, codes of internal regulation and the state’s interest in regulating health care in early times, even all of them put together do not amount to the evidence of well organised system health care services. For the kingdoms were organised as a coalition of various powers under the rule of a kind, they were unstable and their boundaries were shifting. The medicine practised for people by the healers was very much a part of the social organisation at the local level, while that practised for the elite was better organised but its fame or discredit were based more on the outcome of healing rather than on the science behind it. For the science itself had not developed to that critical degree. The health care was practised as an occupation and trade, the state regulations, if any, only tried to provide few safeguards against the harm likely to be caused by the less qualified.

Modern health care system: Thus, the real development of the formally organised health care service system took place only in the modern time, and particularly in the Western Europe. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the European society underwent a change due to decline of feudalism and the rise of merchant capitalism (or early capitalism). The merchant capitalism resented feudalistic trade restrictions, so it created pressure for developing national economy and centralised nation states. This enabled them to mount expeditions, conquer “colonies” and bring back wealth from these colonies for developing their societies. All these created ideal social condition for the first industrial revolution in the late 18th century. The repercussion of these social changes started being felt on medical science and health care services from the early days of 19th century. Rapid developments took place in both fields. The doctors began their agitation for a uniformly recognised basic degree and state registration, leading to the passing of Medical Act in 1857 in the UK and thus, the medical profession emerged as an organised social force. Buoyed by scientific discoveries and the social power, the doctors gradually eliminated all competitors and became the sole authority in the field of health. They also brought under their authority the new cadre of health care, the nurses.

The state and public health: Increasing wealth of the European society made the problems of poverty more visible, and the working class entered as a major social force on the scene. In response, there arose the Benthamite collectivism whose utilitarian ideology was consistent with the social system of the time and made charity for indigent and labour for the poor able-bodied people a state policy. The poor laws, factory regulations, public health laws and massive public health campaigns were witnessed in this period in England both in response to people’s demand as well as due to the realisation of the elite that their own health and wealth were determined by the better public health in the society. By all accounts, it is clear that in this historical prime time of the classical laissez-faire, the state regulations and direct involvement in the health were rapidly increasing.

The state and medical care: The curative care or the system of medical care came under the purview of the state on a later date simply because, as stated earlier, it had not as yet developed good tools for treatment. The major institutionalised technology for curative care; the hospitals were in abysmal shape in the early-19th century. What existed were inadequately staffed, poorly trained health personnel and badly provisioned public workhouses (run by the government under the poor laws) for the pauper and the voluntary hospitals for the “deserving poor” financed by philanthropy. The hospitals flourished only when importance of asepsis was understood and adopted, and the trained nursing staff made entry. That also increased the cost of hospital care. As the philanthropy failed in adequately financing such care, the patient fees were gradually introduced. At the same time, as the effectiveness of hospital care became evident, for the first time in the history, the elite started demanding hospital care, and the private hospitals emerged on the scene. It should also be kept in mind that in the developed countries, the common infectious diseases were brought under control much before the real effective remedies were discovered. The general improvement in living standards and the public health campaigns were responsible for such achievements. But that reduced mortality and increased longevity. That means people needed medical care for longer duration of life than they were needing earlier, bringing many voluntary and working class run medical facilities under the financial crisis. Added to this was the fact that increasing industrialisation was demanding more productivity, which in turn needed healthy work force. High morbidity amongst workers and their families, causing loss of working time, loss of assets and above all increased indebtedness for buying medical care therefore became prime concerns for the state regulations and direct health care provision. (Jesani & Anantharam, 1989, Iyer & Jesani, 1995).

For European nations at that time, there was a model available to follow. That was the late 19th century Bismarkian model of welfare through insurance, in Germany. Thus, in the early part of the 20th century, the limited National Insurance spread in developed countries. The social scientists describe this transition of the state as a transition from the “night watchman” state to the “social service” state. For the purpose of our discussion the importance of this change is that it made health care an inseparable concern and function of the state. The present day popular perception that the state cannot leave health care of people to the mercy of market forces and the good will of providers, flows from these changes observed in the developed countries in the 19th and early 20th centuries. In the later part of the 20th century, there was a consolidation of this trend in what is known as the welfare state.

Welfare statism and universal entitlement to health care: The consensus on state welfarism changed the society’s understanding of health care. Health care came to occupy a prime place in the functions of the state. Just as the abject poverty had become an ethical and political issue under the social service states in the developed countries, the non-provision of universal access to health care became a political as well as ethical issue. For the welfarism was supposed to guarantee three things simultaneously: (1) a minimum income to individuals and families, irrespective of the market value of their work or property; (2) a system for narrowing down their insecurities and meet certain contingencies, such as sickness, old age, unemployment and so on; and (3) all citizens, without distinction of status or class are offered the best standards available in relation to certain agreed range of social services. Thus, the goal of social development was set as accomplishing a floor of social living for all citizens, irrespective of their capacity to pay, social status and class (Briggs, 1966).

Naturally, in the field of health care, these ideas led to massive struggles by people for having universal access to medicare and hospital care. These struggles affected all developed countries and all of them, without exception, carried out massive reorganisation of their health services. In each country where such reorganisation was carried out, there was a great opposition from the medical associations, private health insurance companies and other entrenched interests. For instance, in Canada, the doctors went on national level strike at least twice before such a system was put in place in the late 1960s (Taylor, 1978). The kind of specific system that emerged from such skirmishes was somewhat different in each country depending on the relative strength of the social strata joining the combat. But nevertheless each aimed at providing universal access. In all countries of the Western Europe and in Canada in North America, thus, some form of universal access systems were established. Only in the USA, where the demand for universal access to health care had weak social support base, the radical reorganisation was not carried out and the health care allowed to remain dominantly in the hands of private sector. However, the USA too could not avoid going half way. In the 1960s, it also introduced Medicare and Medicaid programmes and other state health care financing methods, thus starting massive health care financing by the state.

Health care financing in the developed countries: The Reaganism and Thatcherism in the developed countries made the most significant efforts to dismantle welfare states and in claiming a victory over all ideas and theories which advanced health care as a fundamental human right of people. However, the rhetoric apart, despite the long spell of such ideologies ruling those countries and the concerted efforts to dismantle universal access health care, the states in those countries pay for most of the health care expenditure of people. Perhaps no underdeveloped country in the free market set-up matches the scale of state health care financing provided in the developed countries .

In the USA, the state finances over 40% of total health care expenditure, which is the highest in terms of the proportion of GNP of any country in the world. If we take the Western European countries as examples, in the UK, Denmark, Finland and Sweden, the states finance 79% to 91% of the total health care expenditure of their people (Weiner, 1987). The similar figure obtains from Canada. The point to keep in mind is that, in all these developed market economy countries, the good access to health care for people, particularly for the underprivileged masses, has been achieved through the high involvement of the state in health care and not by withdrawal of the state from health care.

It should also be noted that, within this common phenomenon of state’s direct involvement or financing, those countries which, radically restructured their services have achieved better access to health care for people and control over cost of health care than those which did not. For instance, in the USA the massive state financing of the health care by the state was not accompanied by radical restructuring of the health care. The state increasingly used private sector for implementing its welfare schemes. All available evidence suggest that this strategy led to massive expansion of private health care business and industry (Himmelstein & Woolhandler, 1984) without actually achieving the universal access to health care for all the US citizens, and without bringing any control over the cost of health care. If one reads any health care literature on the USA, one would not fail to notice the plight millions of uninsured US people and debates on how to control the rising cost of health care, of course, without disturbing the sacred cow of private sector and the market. Interestingly, in the free-market USA, we find the highest number of regulations for controlling physical structures and financing of health care in the world. But despite being the richest, the most advanced in health care technology and so on, the health status indicators of the USA are less impressive than other advanced countries who comparatively spend less and less often use advanced technology.

Lastly, the new medical technologies and increasing demand from a section of people to make them available in health care have brought the health care systems of other advanced countries under pressure. However, the introduction of competition, in their National Health Services, limited user-fees etc. have still not completely overturned the universal access system. For any attempt to complete jettisoning of universal access system has met with strong resistance, and paradoxically in country like the UK even from the medical associations which had actually fought against the introduction of national health services in the 1940s. However, in many areas the collaborations have also taken place. Many political groups and medical association have collaborated in making the system more efficient by introducing competition and decentralised planning. Since the governments have no option but to explain to their people that the changes are for their good, for making system work better for them, they are finding it difficult to take the free market agenda to its logical conclusion.

II. Health Care in India

Two hundred years of colonial rule in India basically did two things for health care services:

Firstly, the colonial rulers did not do what they had done for their own people. None of the public health measures they took for their own people in England to improve their health conditions were seriously and consistently pursued in the colony. However, they did create their own islands (eg cantonments) of area where their officials and troops stayed and where the public health was maintained at the highest level. Since they were more interested in taking away the wealth of the country rather than reinvesting for the welfare of the people of this country, establishing such high level of public health throughout the country was found to be very costly and they used all excuses for not making such investment. However, one can clean such islands of all filth, but one can’t all the time stop the diseases of the filth originating from the area around from entering the islands. So what one finds is that instead of spending money on high achievement of public health, they devoted them to studying public health and tropical diseases so that selective and specific measures, both curative and preventive, are discovered to stop the spread of diseases. It should be noted that such public health research is necessary, should be pursued and attracted many committed and sensitive human being in the endeavour. However, all such efforts are less than effective if the places and environment which breed illnesses are left untouched or are only selectively improved.

And secondly, its policies resulted into gross underdevelopment of health care or medical services. On one hand the colonial state neglected the Indian medicine. As a result, it did not receive impetus and support from the state to develop a scientific basis of its own, or integrate the science of Western medicine in its understanding. On the other hand, the colonial power gave more attention to the grafting of the Western medicine in India. Since the primary purpose of developing the Western medicine was to cater to their officials, troops and the Indian elite, the investment was kept at the lowest level possible. Thus at the time of independence we inherited a health care service system which was grossly undeveloped and mal-distributed.

Post-independence developments: At the time when it became clear that the transfer of power was inevitable, the colonial government appointed a committee to survey and plan comprehensive health care services for the country. Its report, submitted in 1946 is well known as the Bhore Committee report (1946). The report was prepared at a time when in the UK the welfare statism was being established and the proposals for establishing the National Health Services were being debated. The Bhore committee report remains relevant for all of us for the following three among many more reasons:

(1) When one reads the Bhore committee report along with all subsequent reports, one is impressed by the fact that this is the only report which surveys the health care services in their entirety, and gives recommendations which are for the whole system. It bluntly recognises the underdeveloped nature of health care services and strongly recommends the investment that the state ought to make in order to provide health care to all. It is the only report to date which gives a comprehensive plan for such investments.

(2) It gives great emphasis to establishment of institutional structures for the delivery of health care services. The specific programmes for specific health problems are to be delivered from the platform of such structures and not without it.

(3) And lastly, keeping in mind the underdeveloped economy of India, poverty and the lessons learnt from the European history and the history of Soviet Union, it asserts that the only way to make the health care universally accessible is by making it available irrespective of one’s capacity to pay. These lessons also made it to suggest that for universal access it was essential to give leading role to the free public provision of basic health care.

While accepting the Bhore committee report in principle, its plan was considerably diluted, and this began from the 1st Five Year Plan document. The reason given for doing so was very simple - the lack of resources. The Bore Committee plan for building health care institutional structures had two important elements: Firstly, it did not separate the curative and public health functions. This was something different from the National Health Service (NHS), which was excluded from the main responsibility of the public health. The Bhore Committee believed that in order to produce the maximum results from the health care interventions, the preventive and curative works must be dovetailed. So the infrastructure recommended by it was to perform this dual function. Secondly, it also believed that this infrastructure must provide good curative services. That is, the curative service must be adequate, of optimum quality, physically accessible and without financial barrier. Thus, its first level referral centre, the Primary Health Centre (PHC) was to cover only 10,000 population, to have six doctors (including specialists), seventy five beds, and the public health staff for the preventive functions. This basic building block of the institutionalised health care delivery was kept incomplete.

At present, as a policy, the PHCs have only two doctors (sometimes one only), both of them are just graduates, and none of them is post-graduate or specialist, but often one of them is a non-allopathic graduate. The public health functions, of the PHCs are carried out by the auxiliary staff called multi-purpose workers or health workers, no public health nurse is appointed at the PHC. Not only that, the Nurse Midwives who were considered to be essential at the PHCs have been phased out and replaced by auxiliary nurses, thus the PHC does not have fully qualified graduate nurse at all. And lastly, but very important, the referral function of the PHC was completely undermined by not providing most of them with indoor curative beds. Thus, we have primary health centres, but they are without the capacity to provide real referral support for the village level primary health care. The referral support is available only at the Community Health Centre, a 30 bedded rural hospital for over 100,000 population. The dilution of the capacity of the PHCs was accompanied by the expansion of coverage, which in simple terms mean creating difficulty in accessing the PHC services. Between 1952 and 1983, only 5,954 PHCs were established. That is, in the first three decades after independence, on an average only about 200 PHCs with the highly reduced capacity than the ones recommended by the Bhore Committee were set up every year. Thus, in 1983, we had one such for an average of 88,000 rural population. In 1984 it was decided that one PHC will be established for 30,000 population and in no time the number of PHCs were quadrupled. Thus, on paper, in 1991 there were 20,450 PHCs, defining a ratio of one PHC for about 31,000 rural population. Although officially each PHC is supposed to have two doctors, in 1991 only 23,490 doctors were appointed at the PHC, defining a ratio of 1.2 doctors per PHC. In other words, in the government sector, there is only one doctor for about 26,000 of rural population.

The high population coverage by the PHCs have two negative effects. Firstly, its utilisation for the regular curative care remains confined to only few nearby villages. Thus, a big majority of the people supposedly catered to by the PHC actually have no physical access to the facility. Secondly, the staff providing in the outreach and public health services is spread too thin and lack supervision and support from the PHC. Thirdly, public health gets reduced to selective preventive and promotive targets. Given the over-riding emphasis on the family welfare, the non-curative work at the PHCs is overwhelmingly for the family welfare. And lastly, all these problems get compounded by the very low level of essential supplies, viz. medicines, equipments, transport facilities, etc.

III. Are Our Health Care Services Really Underdeveloped?

When this question is asked for our rural and the government health care services, the answer is yes, but when it is asked in relation to the health care available in the country as a whole, the answer is no.

This paradox is created by the existence a very large volume of health care services in the private sector.

We have on one-hand government health care services having too many bureaucratic fetters, too many targets, too many objectives and too many rules, all of them so many that, their efficiency is often compromised. On the other hand, we have private health sector wherein there do no exist even minimum standards for establishing a hospital and nursing home, the doctors do not need continuing medical education for renewing their license to practice, there is no price control over the fees charged, and so on. The following information would show that in India we have reasonably well developed health care services but they do not serve the deserving poor people simply because they are mal-distributed and are largely controlled by the private sector which does not care for the social goal of the services.

Health Care Human Power:

Doctors: India has one of the largest health care human powers in the world. Of them the doctors occupy a dominant position, numerically as well as otherwise. In the year 1990-91, the country had 9,28,072 doctor of all systems of medicine trained in the properly recognised training institutions. Of them, 3,94, 068 (43%) were allopathic or modern system, 3,37,966 (36%) ayurvedic, 1,48, 707 (16%) homeopathic, 35, 350 (4%) unani, 11,801 siddha (1%) and only 180 naturopathy doctors. At the 1991 Census population, the doctor population ratio defines at 1 doctor for 912 persons! If the ratio is calculated only for the allopathic doctors it comes to 1 allopathic doctor for the 2148 persons. The country also had 10,751 dentists in 1991. It should be noted here that another quarter to half a million non-qualified and non-registered doctors also practice medicine in our country, making the number of actually available doctors very high.

However, there is a gross mal-distribution of doctors between rural and urban areas and between the government health care sector and the private sectors. The rural urban distribution of doctors is available only from the census documents. From 1961 to 1981 (three censuses), the proportion of doctors located in the rural areas has declined from 49.6% to 41.2%. Indeed there appears to be a progressive “deruralisation” of doctors. The allopaths and ayurveds who together account for 79% of all doctors have shown greater affinity for locating their practice in the urban areas . Applying the 1981 census figures of rural urban distribution to the stock of doctors in 1990-91, we get the doctor population ratio for the rural areas as one doctor for 1644 persons and for the urban areas one doctor for 399 persons. Obviously, this maldistribution has made the ratio in the urban areas comparable to the developed countries while our people in the rural areas are grossly deprived of the doctors’ services. Further, there has been no regulatory attempts by the government to correct this maldistribution. The distribution of doctors between the government and private sectors is even worse than the rural urban disparity. In 1991, only 22,013 doctors were employed at the PHCs in the country. Another 39,466 were employed in other government institutions. According to our estimates, at the most only 15% of doctors of all systems of medicine are in the government sector, the rest directly provide service to the people in the completely non regulated market environment.

Nurses: As against the high production of doctors and contrary to the health care norms, the number of nursing human power is very less. In 1991, there were only 4,79,558 nurses of all categories in the country. Thus we have doctors almost twice in number than nurses, this is a far-cry from the norm of having two or three nurses for one doctor. Of the nurses, 3,11,235 (65%) were general nurse and midwives, 1,50,431 (31.4%) ANMs and the rest health visitors.

Health Care Infrastructure:

We have already discussed the underdevelopment of public sector services, the PHCs, Subcentres and CHCs in the rural areas. There is a gross maldistribution between rural and urban areas and public and private sectors of hospitals, dispensaries and beds. In absolute numbers in 1992 we had 11,174 hospitals and 6,42,103 hospital beds, defining a ratio of one hospital for 75,739 persons and one hospital bed for 1318 persons. However, their rural location was only 32% for hospitals (a ratio of one hospital for 1,76,163 rural persons) and only 20% for hospital beds (a ratio of one bed for 4970 rural persons). It should be kept in mind that the government is also responsible for locating much of the hospital care infrastructure in the urban areas and for neglecting rural areas. The belated beginning of establishing 30 bedded CHC are few compared to needs and many of those established are not optimally functional due to lack of specialist doctors and other problems.

In 1992, 57% of hospitals, 32% of beds and 60% of dispensaries were in the private sector. These data supplied by the government agency, CBHI (Central Bureau of Health Intelligence), are apparently deficient because the there is no proper registration system for the private hospitals and dispensaries in the country. As a consequence we suspect that there is a gross under reporting of private medical care infrastructure. For instance, in a survey done by the Director of Health Services (Andhra Pradesh) and the Andhra Vaidya Vidhan Parishad, it was found that in 1993 there were 2802 hospitals and 42,192 hospital beds in the private sector in Andhra Pradesh as against only 266 hospitals and 11,103 beds reported by the CBHI (whose data we have also used) in the Health Information of India, 1992. This survey showed that the CBHI data were underreporting the private hospitals by 10.5 times and beds by 3.8 times. This could be further buttressed by using the CBHI data that in the periods 1974-79, 1979-84 and 1984-88, the rate of growth of government hospitals was 6.37%, 1.02% and 2.61% respectively and that of beds was 11.35%, 1.92% and 3.29% respectively. On the other hand the private hospitals increased in the same periods by 43.07%, 12.06% and 17.21% respectively while the private beds increased by 20.09%, 3.86% and 6.81% respectively. Thus, if one were to correct the existing data for the underreporting, it would be found that in the hospital care sector too we have reasonably well developed infrastructure but its main drawback is gross maldistribution. This maldistribution makes it physically less accessible to a large number of people while the small number who have greater access are subjected to irrational and unnecessary medication (Phadke et el, 1995) in order to keep high level of profit in the unregulated market.

Health Care Financing and Expenditure:

As mentioned earlier, the presence of the private health sector is overwhelming. Therefore, it is natural that it also accounts for a larger part of health care expenditure. Unfortunately, at the macro level there is virtually no information on private health expenditures. In the recent years micro studies have provided a good deal of information on the private health sector, including expenditures. Various micro studies right from 1944 onwards to the most recent show that the share of the private sector in health care expenditures has always been around 80% of total health expenditures. The 1944 study by R.B. Lal quoted by the Bhore Committee Report showed private health expenditure to be Rs. 2.50 per capita as against a State health expenditure of Rs. 0.36 per capita. Similar studies in various states by S.C. Seal in the fifties showed private health expenditure to be between 83 and 88 percent of total health expenditure. In studies done in sixties and seventies also an average share of the private health sector was above 80%. Recent studies also show a similar pattern (Duggal & Amin, 1989). Thus, while the government was spending only Rs. 64 per capita per annum for health care in 1991 (including expenditure on water supply), people were spending from their pockets on health care Rs. 200 to 250 per capita. It is estimated that the total (public and private combined) health care expenditure in our country may be 5 to 7% of the GNP, a proportion close to many developed countries, but unlike them 80% of the same is accounted for by the private expenditure. The WHO has recommended that the government alone should be spending at least 5% of its GDP on health, but our government has normally spent much less than 2%.

The high level of private expenditure is taking toll of the poor households. The surveys show that on an average a household in India spends 5 to 6% of its income to buy curative care in the market. However, this expenditure is unevenly spread. Thus, the rural household spend a larger proportion of their income than the urban households. Similarly, the rich spend a smaller proportion of their total income on health care than the poor. The situation seems to be so bad that private expenditure for health care has emerged as one of the main causes of indebtedness, asset alienation and poverty.

Issues to be tackled:

From the above analysis the following issues become clear:

(1) The health care services have grown in India, so much so that in some respect it has resources comparable to some of the developed countries . Non-availability of good data, lack of interest in collating survey findings, turning Nelson’s eye to the burgeoning private sector and counting of only allopathic doctors have created a wrong impression that our health care sector is grossly underdeveloped.

(2) The reasonably well-developed health care sector is unreasonably mal-distributed . The lack of political will, to correct mal-distribution is responsible for pinning great hopes on the community health workers to serve 1000 people when we already have a trained doctor for 900 people but located more in the urban and private sectors.

(3) While it is true that the government sector needs more investment, the attention must not be diverted from the fact that high investment is already taking place in the health areas we need the least and that such process is creating more inequity and mal-distribution.

(4) The exclusive attention to the public health services for health care reform is both unwarranted and would be self-defeating . It is grossly unjustified to keep on experimenting with the small proportion of public services in the name of reaching health care to people when the big proportion of health care in the private health care is not even touched to meet the social goals. Nowhere in the developed country such a large and virtually unregulated private sector is allowed to exist as in India.

Thus, unless the public and private sector are both brought under the purview of national health care planning, there is no way we can ever meet the social goal of making health care universally accessible.

IV: Health Care Activism: Philanthropy and Service

Philanthropy and nationalism:

The health issues have never been a priority for political activists and parties. The health issues only occupied a secondary place in Indian political struggles. The first awakening on health issues came in the form of support to modern medical education and philanthropy. The leading figures of such awakening were the Indian business and educated elite. In the 19th century they were motivated by their concern for establishing the basic facilities for modern medical care and education. For instance, the J. J. Hspital and the Grant Medical College in Mumbai were established by coming together of the Indian elite and philanthropist Jamshetjee Jejeebhoy and the colonial administrator Sir Robert Grant. The aim of education in this pioneering institute was to produce medical graduates who were as good as those produced in the UK. The teaching faculty was dominated by the British doctors and doctors in the government services. Thus, in this kind of medical philanthropy, there was direct collaboration with the colonial power to create services in the government sector.

Thereafter, as observed in Mumbai city in the early 20th century, in response to the increasing militancy of nationalist movement, the colonial government was decentralising administration in the hands of local bodies. The municipal bodies were entrusted with the work of medical relief. Since these bodies also provided opportunity to Indians in the administration, they created an environment conducive to philanthropy aimed at creating medical care institutions run in cooperation with the local bodies. The establishment of the K.E.M. Hospital and the Seth G.S. Medical college took place in this way in 1925-6. It also catered to the nationalist feelings by stipulating that the professors and teachers employed there would be properly educated Indian and not the English government employees. Another example of the close collaboration between the philanthropists and nationalist movement took place when the movement for non-cooperation was launched and the youths were exhorted to leave the colleges. In medical field, this had an effect and the nationalist doctors-medical teachers began a separate college and hospital run primarily by the indigenous and non-governmental support. In Mumbai the The Topiwala National Medical College was born in this way.

This wave of philanthropy linked to nationalism also helped in revival of the Indian medical systems. Although we do not have good documentation on this subject to narrate here, it has been explained by others that many colleges and hospitals for the Indian systems were established during this period by the nationalist leaders and their medical supporters.

There were two important aspects of the philanthropy connected to the nationalism:

Firstly, it was highly motivated by the plight of Indian masses. They believed that their efforts were must in order to provide some medical relief to them. Thus, they created institutions and brought finances for them so that the poor could avail of services either free of cost or at a very cheap cost. Secondly, because of its connection to nationalism, it was almost always thought that after independence it would be our own government to finance it, so there will not be a great need to raise money from philanthropy. Interestingly, after independence most of such experiments ultimately handed over services to the government or contnued with the domianant component of the grant-in-aid from the government.

Philanthropy and constructive social work:

The Gandhian current in the nationalist movement gave strong emphasis to reconstruction. This sarvodaya movement gained momentum at the time of independence when Gandhi gave a call to serve masses in rural areas. Another set of voluntary action had developed as a part of Christian and non-Christian missionary activities. The former in particular gave more attention to the establishment of hospitals across the country, trained various categories of health workers and provided medical care to the needy masses. The non-Christian voluntary groups too gradually entered this area of work. For all of them, the health issues were primarily of medical relief and they were charity oriented. As the transfer of power seemed a reality, efforts were began to do planning for the reconstruction of Indian society and the experiments carried out by voluntary agencies provided experiences for designing the work in the welfare sector for Independent India. The Community Development Programmes (CDP) inaugurated with the First Five Year Plan, were designed using the experiences of Albert Meyer in Etawah district of U.P. and the Y.M.C.A. in Martandam in Tamil Nadu. These experiences and the CDP that followed, integrated the development of health care services (Jesani, Duggal & Gupte, 1996)

Thus, in the first decade of independence, the health activism, both community development oriented and charity oriented, tried to provide inputs into the reconstruction and development programmes of the government. The basic understanding was that the nationalist government was breaking away from the past and trying to gear its efforts to uplift the poor masses, that all medical charity for the poor and voluntary health development efforts should support and supplement such efforts of the government. If we compare this phenomenon with the welfare statist development in the developed country at that time, it becomes clear that there was an ideological identity between these voluntary groups and the government that India should realise its promise given in the Directive Principles of State Policy in the Constitution and should usher into a classical welfare state. The break-down of this ideological identity between the state and the voluntary group took place only in 1960s when the large-scale revolt of rural masses brought out in open the failure of the planning to look after the poor of this country. That began the new era of voluntary action under the new name, NGOs.

Philanthropy for the rich:

One may find it difficult to understand how can there be philanthropic activities directed at the rich. For the philanthropy is always associated with charity for the poor. The rich are regarded as the philanthropists and the poor as the recipient of relief and welfare. However, such understanding of philanthropy is very simplistic. In the market economy, the philanthropy does not remain an altruistic activity all the time. In the market set up, it is employed for various objectives. The philanthropy or a show of philanthropy has been used for the self-preservation, for providing scope for future business, to protect the business interests from getting split up, for saving taxes and so on. Often philanthropy is used for the dual purpose of providing relief or welfare for the poor and at the same time to create services for the rich. The hospital is the best place for obtaining such dual benefits. Here, one could create, by using philanthropic money, a good place for the free or cheap hospital care for the poor and at the same for the rich who are charged more for the services. This method is also described by health economists as a very practical way of financing health care. Since it takes more money from the rich to subsidise care for the poor, it is also called Robinhood method.

Thus, in our country, the philanthropy has acquired multiple functions. The Gandhian call for trusteeship was used both for altruistic purpose as well as for business purpose where the trustees do not earn profit, but their activities create a business climate for others to prosper. Sometime before and after independence, such activity in the medical care and hospital services created foundation for the development of private sector in India. A classical example of such development in health care is Mumbai city where one finds majority of the expensive hi-tech hospitals catering largely to the rich and upper strata of middle classes, operating as charitable trusts for the provision of medical relief. Indeed, amongst the big parivate hospitals in Mumbai there is hardly any one which is run as a private company or as a corporate sector enterprise. All of them are registered as trusts. Yet nobody in this city would dare to regard them as philanthropic institute catering to the poor. These hospitals receive all benefits that go to any philanthropic institute run for the altruistic purpose.

The tragedy of health research in India is that despite such great historic contribution made by philanthropy in establishing private health sector in India, there is hardly any study describing what were the initial motivations of those who donated money and how the institutes started with such genuine altruistic purposes have converted themselves into the profit making enterprises for the doctors working there, for the drugs and instrument supplying companies. Such historical research would contribute in our understanding of various strands of voluntary health activism a proper perspective.

V. NGO Activism and Issue Based Campaigns

As explained earlier, in the late 1960s when the failure of planning became evident and massive rebellion of the rural poor swept the country, a new and qualitatively different phase of health activism started. This period is characterised not only by the turmoil in India, but also in the international sphere. In the developed countries, the post-war boom of the economy had ended and radical students and working masses had come in the streets forcing numerous changes in the world.

Community health activism:

These developments were met by the planners and the government by making appropriate changes in the development strategies. New experiments were mounted to provide thrust to the new strategies. A meeting point for the social activism and to cater to the immediate needs of people was found in the community health activism. The community health combined the service with activism. Thus, this health work was not just medical relief provided by the professionals to people, but it was health work of professionals with people.

Some of the characteristics of the new health activism were as follows:

(1) Unlike the earlier attempts, this activism was highly disillusioned by the developmental model adopted by the government and at least initially did not believe that govenment can, on its own, fulfill the task of development.

(2) While many of the individuals in these groups or NGOs came from various political movements, they strive hard to establish non-party affiliated health care work. In fact, they often down-played politics and affiliation in order to survive their activities in the rural areas. In many ways this was useful, for that provided them a neutral space in the rural socio-political structure to negotiate contradiction and develop their health care work.

(3) Many of these NGOs disliked the concepts of philanthropy and welfare. One of the premises they worked on was that the community has capacity to look after itself provided skills are generated and support provided. The philanthropy and welfare make them dependent.

(4) Many of these NGOs embraced the community health approach. They saw the problems of health care delivery in the high level of bureaucratisation and professionalisation of services. Thus, their motto was to demystify medical care and deprofessionalise the work of health care providers. At higher philosophical plane some of them thought that such activity would integrate health care functions within the community and make it possible for people to look after themselves. Aboveall, it was believed that deprofessionalisation would create pressure on the professionals to reorient themselves.

(5) In order to make health care available to rural masses, the above ideas were put into practice in an innovative way. The village level health workers were trained, newer and cheaper methods of tackling common problems were devised and innovations were introduced in the methods of delivering primary health care.

(6) Some of these NGOs also experimented in devising newer methods of financing primary health care. Methods such as charging the rich to finance care for the poor (Robinhood method), user charges, social insurance by organising the community etc were tried out. However, barring a few exceptions, most of these NGOs always remained dependent on the external funding.

Successes: Began in the late 1960s, the community health activism struggled for awhile. However, the pioneers of this movement in no time showed to the world that their work could achieve a lot cheaply and in short time. By late 1970s, the community health activists have become well known nationally and internationally and the government was becoming more receptive to their ideas. The signing of Alma-Ata declaration privided the ultimate legitimacy, for it embodied many of the ideas developed in the community health projects.

While many of the experiences of community health projects were adopted in health policies but tardily implemented, the most important contribution made by them was the idea and practice of de-professionalised and demystified health care. They produced one of the best critiques of profession centred medical care model. The control exercised by the professionals, the vulnerability of people due to the mystification of medical care perpetuated by them and above all the over-medicalisation and iatrogenesis attending the commercialised medical care system were highlighted.

It should also be noted that the later year specific campaigns on drug prices, the campaign for rational drug policy, the campaigns against the misuse of medical technologies and so on were highly influenced by the works and ideas popularised by the community health activists. Thus, it would not be an exaggeration to say that without the committed work undertaken by these activists, many of the later day health campaigns would have either not taken off or would have remained incomplete.

Failures: The deprofessionalised health care model, the very strength of the community health activism, also turned out to be one of the key weakness of it. For, the period in which the community health activism was a its peak is also the period when the medical profession consolidated its position the most. This critique could not shake the power of the profession. The alternative agencies created for provision of primary health care were largely sabotaged or tamed under the control of the professionals. Interestingly, during this period the profession actually increased its numerical strength and control over the system. Ironically, sometimes the alternative efforts actually introduced “medicalisation” of health care where none existed, thus paving a way for the private medical professionals to reap the fruits of profit.

Secondly, in this period the greatest expansion of the private sector in health care took place. The community health activists instinctively believed that their model of health care could never be implemented in the for-profit private sector, so they had concentrated their advocacy efforts only on the government and more or less ignored the developments in the private sector. Their work in villages thus did not become a threat to the private providers, instead, it seems in some instances, actually helped the private sector in finding markets where none previously existed. They failed to understand that the precondition for the national level success of community health approach is re-organisation entire health care services so that both public and private resources are optimally utilised to provide simple but effective service to people. Indeed, an isolated emphasis on community approach only obscures the need for reform in the entire health care sector. If the community approach is applied and considered valid only for the public and voluntary sectors, it by default or design allows the professionals to flourish without self-regulation as well as external control in private sector.

Thus, in last three decades the community health care activism has patiently and through concrete devoted work in the under-served rural areas tried to persuade the policy makers, but it has not been possible for it the create a real threat to the established industrial and medical interests. This realisation prompted many of the community health activists to devote some of their time in building other campaigns. One of such campaign is for the rational drug policy.

Rational drugs campaign:

The control of pharmaceutical companies on doctors and the medical services is well documented. In our country, we have over 50,000 drug formulations in the market, while for most of our medical problems; the WHO recommends only 200-300 drugs. A bulk of these formulations are thus unnecessary, they contain irrational combination drugs, some of them are harmful and some of them are drugs which are banned elsewhere. In the early 1980s, the campaign for the rational drugs was started. This campaign actually originated from the community health activists’ concern for the rational therapeutics, demand for making available essential drugs at a cheap price etc.

In last over a decade, this campaign has achieved the following:

(1) It has indeed generated a vast amount of literature showing irrationality of the pharmaceutical scene and how the industry is wrongly educating doctors to adopt irrational and sometimes harmful therapeutics.

(2) It spurred activism amongst the consumer organisations on this issue too. Along with many organisations the campaign has been successful in getting over 40 harmful drugs banned in last one decade.

(3) The campaign has been aided by the NGO based alternative drug manufacturing unit established and successfully run in Baroda. This experiment has showed that the quality drugs could be produced cheap and provided to people if the doctors are also oriented to the rational therapeutics.

(4) Lastly the campaigned tried to bring focus on the need to control prices of the essential drugs so that they were made available at affordable price to the needy people.

Despite its national level concerted efforts, this campaign has actually failed in achieving the desired changes in drug policies. In fact, despite the campaigns, the price decontrol of drugs has been implemented and the drugs prices have only increased. This only points to the fact that the struggle against the mighty pharmaceutical industry is going to be very difficult and protracted. Besides, the campaign will have to find allies in other fields to strengthen its advocacy.

Campaigns against misuse of medical technologies:

Two major campaigns may be mentioned in brief here.

The first one against the misuse of sex determination tests for aborting female foetuses is well known and well documented. The second is the campaign against usafe contraceptives. Both these campaigns have achieved some successes.

It may be noted that success of both these campaigns was simply due to the entry of affected party, women in the movement. In fact these were the health camapigns undertaken by women’s groups and aided by the health groups. Such a situation provided strength to the campaign and helped in mobilising women to support the demands.

However, it seems that any success achieved in struggle against misuse of any one medical technology would only be temporary and transient. For instance the legislation against sex selection has on one hand reduced the selective abortions, but at the same time then machinery created to oversee the implementation of the legislation hardly functioned in an effective and efficient way. So much so that despite reports of illegal offering of sex determination tests being made by providers in some districts, the committees created under the act have not even investigated the matter. The point is that, it is perhaps difficult to create separate machinery to oversee different technologies. The only way some effective surveillance and regulation of medical technologies could be done is by bringing all medical technologies under a single regulatory control. This would also mean that the relevance and need for various technologies employed in the health care sector would be regularly assessed so that precious resources are not wasted in less useful technologies. In short, a mechanism to ensure use of appropriate technologies and to prevent their misuse is urgently needed.

Regulations over the private sector:

Although this campaign has not spread in many parts of the country, the efforts made at a few centres have gradually started bringing into the focus the unregulated operation of the private sector. This campaign is trying to show two things:

Firstly, it shows that unlike other sectors, in the health care the private sector has never been subjected to any license and permit raj (Jesani, 1996) Thus, deregulating private sector has no meaning for there do not exist any regulations. It further tries to show that nowhere in the developed world there is a private sector in health care devoid of basic regulation. It made a telling point by showing that the private nursing homes and hospitals are not required to adhere to any minimum medical standards, and thus the health of large number of people availing services from them is at risk. It also shows that in the absence of regulations, the private nursing homes and hospitals are employing unqualified nurses and that is not only creating health risks but also super-exploitation of those women working as the nurses.

Secondly, it shows that those who are clamouring for privatisation of public health services should first have a look at the average quality of care provided by the private sector health care institutions. In our country it is difficult to show that the average care provided in the private hospitals, having less than minimum scientific standards and largely non-qualified nursing staff, is much superior.

Consumer activism and campaigns for medical ethics:

The consumer activism is gradually growing in the health care. By making lots of noise on the consumer protection act, the medical profession actually helped in making people aware of the law. It also showed that the profession stands completely isolated on this issue. For no significant social strata has extended support to doctors demand on the subject. The consumer activism has brought spotlight on many issues, some of them are:

(1) It has continuously brought out the medical malpractices in public thus showing that everything is not so well within the medical profession. It has brought spotlight onto the self-regulatory bodies (medical councils) of the professions.

(2) It has brought out the fact that the medical care system has not developed minimum scientific standards in many fields, thus leaving people to the mercy of individual practitioners.

(3) It has established that patients have right to information and that they also have a right to get a copy of medical records.

(4) It is gradually forcing the profession to maintain proper medical records, issue receipts for the fees charged and so on.

The consumer activism has brought in the medical field; consumer activists, most of them are not doctors or health activists. This has provided impetus to this work. However, it also creates a danger of taking the consumerism too far, a danger that could add burden of defensive medicine over the consumers. Such a burden in our situation would be in addition to the burden of irrational and excessive health care. The tort laws, which govern the award of compensation in the medical malpractice litigations, have proved costly for the society in all countries where they are excessively used.

Thus, while the consumer activism is a natural reaction to the domination private market in health care, it could also have long-term negative consequences on the health care services. However, nowhere in the world this situation has been brought under control without undertaking the restructuring of entire health care services. In those developed countries where the market in health care has been reduced or brought under rigorous control, the negative consequences of malpractice litigations have been less. Further, where the legal reforms such as relying more on no-fault compensation schemes instead of tort legislations, are carried out, the negative impacts have been reduced even to greater extent.

Concluding Remarks

We had begun our narration with an attempt to understand the historical evaluation of health care in Indian and the developed countries and then tried to analyse the existing health care services in our country. The former tried to explain that it is not wise to get carried away by what the developed countries are doing today there, for they have come to that after several decades of health care reforms which made health care universally accessible to people. Besides, their current pro-market reforms in health care are only limited, they have not significantly reduced their health care expenditure and the objective of universal access has not be thrown over-board.

The issues raised on our health care service system were in order to understand the strength and weaknesses of the health care activism.

First of all it is clear that the health care activism as developed as separate issue based campaigns or as direct response to the health care needs of the poor. Both in the community health activism and the issue based campaigns, there haven’t appeared larger meeting grounds from which demand for thorough reorganisation of health services could be raised.

Secondly, the doctors as a professional body has not come under the sufficient pressure due to health activism. The community health activism attracted many doctors, but they preferred to stay clear of mainstream profession and hardly made any effort to create pressure for reforms from within. Only recent health campaigns on medical ethics, consumer activism etc have directed their attention to the mainstream profession.

Thirdly, the health workers have shown less motivation to struggle for larger health care issues or take up struggles for the benefit of their patients. For instance, the doctors and nurses would make all compromise in the quality of care simply because of lack of resources, but they would not feel that to do so is unethical and it is their ethical duty to demand resources from the government or their employer. The struggles of health workers have unfortunately remained confined to their trade union issues. As a result we observe that in all major health campaigns, the health workers have not participated as a mass force.

Fourthly, the health issues have failed to make prominent appearance in the struggles of various strata of people. The women groups are perhaps the only groups, which have raised the health issues of their concern consistently. While there is some activities on the occupational health problems, the organised working class movement has even failed to raise the demand for getting good quality care in services paid for by their members.

Health Movement: Thus, in the absence of any common programme for the reorganisation of health care of the country and that no significant organised strata of people have made reforms in health care a prominent demand, it is difficult to talk in terms of genuine health movement. The health activism of last three decades has raised people’s consciousness and concerns for the health issues. In last few years the activism has gradually shifted from experimentation in provision to the demand for better provision and the control over providers. This is gradually opening up avenues for expanding the base for health activism.

In the last analysis, if the health activism is to succeed, it must strive to encourage the emergence of health movement. And for such a movement, three areas will have to be given special attention:

(1) It needs to be stressed, and an alternative model for health care needs to be advanced, to persuade more and more people to the idea that universal access to basic health care is not only necessary to achieve, but is also feasible. A health movement must pursue a political programme, for without such a programme, it is difficult to create a political constituency of support.

(2) The specific health campaigns need to be connected to the programme for the reorganisation of health care services.

(3) The health campaigns should find place within the mass organisations to be successful. Thus, it is imperative that the health activists orient themselves to the organisations of people and strive to get health issues taken up by them. At the same time, similar efforts within the health workers, is important. For they occupy a crucial position in the health care delivery, and any success in drawing them to support issues relevant to people’s health would greatly aid in enlarging the scope of campaigns.

After all, the people and programme for the universal access to health care would together make the health movement.

(Acknowledgement: Dr. Sunil K. Pandya, Editor, Issues in Medical Ethics, for providing historical sketch of three public hospitals in Mumbai)

References:

1. Bhore Committee (1946), “Report of the health survey and development committee: Vil I to IV”, New Delhi: Government of India.

2. Briggs Asa (1966), “The welfare state in historical perspective”, in Aiyar s. P. (Ed.), “Perspectives on welfare state”, Bombay: Manaktalas.

3. Chattopadhyay Debiprasad (1977), “Science and Society in Ancient India”, Calcutta: Research India Publication (Reprint, 1979).

4. Duggal Ravi, Amin Sucheta (1989) “Cost of Health Care”, Mumbai: Foundation for Research in Community Health.

5. Himmelstein David U., Woolhandler Steffie (1984), “Medicine as industry: The health care sector in the United States”, in Monthlu Review, April 1984.

6. Iyer Aditi, Jesani Amar (1995), “Women in health care: Auxiliary Nurse Midwife”, Mumbai: Foundation for Research in Community Health.

7. Jesani Amar, Anantharam Saraswathy (1989), Private sector and privatisation in the health care services”, Mumbai: Foundation for Research in Community Health.

8. Jesani Amar, Duggal Ravi & Gupte Manisha (1996), “NGOs in rural health care”, Mumbai: Foundation for Research in Community Health.

9. Jesani Amar (1996), “Laws and health care providers”, Mumba: CEHAT (unpublished).

10. Kangle R.P. (1972), “The Kautilya Arthasastra, Part II”, Mumbai: University of Mumbai. Also see, Rangarajan L.N. (1992), “Kautilya, The Arthashastra”, New Delhi: Penguin Books.

11. McKeown Thomas (1979), “The role of medicine”, Oxford: Basil Blackwell Publishing Ltd., (reprinted 1982).

12. Phadke Anant, Fernandes Audrey, Sharda L., Mane Pratibha, Jesani Amar (1995), “A Study of Supply and Use of Pharmaceuticals in Satatra district”, Mumbai: Foundation for Research in Community Health, pages 152.

13. Sigerist Henry (1987), “A History of Medicine: Vol. II: Early Greek, Hindu and Persian Medicine”, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

14. Taylor Malcolm G (1978), “Health insurance and Canadian public policy: Seven decisions that created the Canadian health insurance system”, Montreal: McGill queen’s University Press. 15. Virchow Rudolf (1985), “Collected essays on Public Health and Epidemiology”, New Delhi: Amerind Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., (with introduction by Rather L.J. [1983])

16. Weiner Jonathan P. (1987), “Primary care delivery in the United States and four Northwest European countries: Comparing the ‘Ciroiratized’ with the ‘Socialised’”, in The Milbank Quarterly, Vol. 65, No. 3, Pg. 426-61.

17. WHO, “The Alm Ata Declaration”, Geneva: World Health Organisation, 1978.

18. World Bank, “World Development Report, 1993: Investing in Health”, New York: Oxford University Press, 1993.

* Published in the “Indian Journal of Social Work”, Special Issue: “Towards People-centred Development – Part 2”, Vol: 59, Issue: 1, January 1998, pages 291-320.

A look at the experience of the LPP and the Pakistani Left


1 April 2010

In the course of a two-week stay in Pakistan, I was able to take part, on January 27-28, 2010 in the Fifth Congress of the Labour Party Pakistan (LPP). This organization, founded in 1997, has developed remarkably over the last few years: in terms of numerical growth (today it has more than 7,000 members), geographical spread (it is now present in all the provinces of the country) and social roots (among peasants, workers, women…). This development is all the more significant as not so long ago, the principal historical core of the LPPP was still only a small political small group (“Struggle”) of Trotskyist origin, present above all in Punjab, which was joined, for the foundation of a new organization, by a handful of cadres of the Communist Party, especially in Sind.

The dynamism of the LPP contrasts with the inertia of the traditional Left in a country which has experienced a succession of military regimes, which is torn apart by the confrontation of Sunni and Shiite religious fundamentalisms, and which has been destabilized by the war conducted by NATO in Afghanistan and by the murderous actions of the Talibans. The experience of the LPP is particularly interesting.

A historically weak Pakistani Left

Two partitions. In 1947, the workers’ movement was weak in the provinces of the British Indian Empire which make up present-day Pakistan. The partition of the country and the gigantic migrations which accompanied it (12 million displaced persons, under terrible conditions) cut the Left off from its bastions in the sub-continent (such as Bengal). Two decades later, the war of 1971 led to the rupture between West Pakistan and East Pakistan. This second partition also weakened Pakistani Communism. In fact, the Left then was at that point better established in what became Bangladesh, in particular because large Hindu populations had remained there instead of migrating to the Indian side of the border. In a more general way the traumatic partitions of 1947 and 1971 led to successive waves of intercommunal xenophobia and racism (including anti-Bengali racism in Punjab) which were very unfavourable to progressive movements.

In 1947, the Indian Communist Party accepted the principle of partition. Consequently, its members in the Muslim communities went to Pakistan, and vice versa, giving rise to two Communist parties: Indian (CPI) and Pakistani (PCP). They hoped then that the Muslim references of the new state would remain more cultural than religious. This hope was initially encouraged by the secular conceptions advocated by the “founding father” of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah; but it could not resist the progressive Islamization of the country.

Repression. The Communist Party quickly became the object of repression. It was banned for the first time in 1951 and again in 1955. However, in 1951, it probably only had (in West Pakistan) some 200 members. To reconstitute itself, it merged into various regroupments and took part in the creation in 1957 of the National Awami Party (NAP, National People’s Party). The PCP had neither the solid programmatic framework nor the organisational coherence to survive such “entryist” experiences unscathed. The Communist activists found themselves in a subordinate position in relation to leaderships that were nationalist, reformist and often bourgeois.

The Sino-Soviet Conflict. The Pakistani communist movement had to face further problems. The Sino-Soviet conflict caused deep splits in its ranks, as it did in many other places. But the political crisis of the Left in Pakistan led to a particularly serious situation of paralysis. In India, a first split in the (pro-Soviet) CPI gave rise to a party which wanted to be independent of both Moscow and Beijing - the CPI-Marxist (CPI-M). Then a second wave of splits saw the emergence of a Maoist far-Left, known as “Naxalites” (from the location of a peasant insurrection in 1967) and engaged in armed struggle. Although deeply divided, the Indian Left kept significant forces.

Things turned out very differently in Pakistan. Considering the prestige of the Chinese Revolution, the influence of Maoism became important. However, as from 1965, Beijing gave the military regime its support against India, itself allied with the USSR. Under these conditions, not only did Pakistani Maoism not have the radical character of its Indian counterpart, but it even supported for a time the dictatorship of General Ayub Khan, in the name of the “progressive” character of its foreign policy.

The Soviet bureaucracy was allied with the Indian state and the Chinese bureaucracy with the Pakistani state – that is, with two states which were at war with each other. The Pakistani Communists paid a very high price for this deadly game.

The missed occasion of 1968-1969. The Pakistani communist movement had also inherited the strategic vision of the CPI, of Stalinist origin, “stageist”: waiting for a bourgeois-democratic revolution before which it would be vain to propose a socialist perspective to popular struggles. Very weak on the organisational level, it was also politically and ideologically powerless when an immense wave of workers’, peasant and student struggles erupted in the country in 1968-1969, creating for several months a kind of situation of social dual power. The Pakistani Communists neither wanted to nor knew how to seize the occasion.

The occasion was, however, all the more important as 1968 was the year of the Tet offensive in Vietnam, of the student barricades and the general strike in May in France, of the Prague Spring and of many other struggles in the world. American imperialism would not have found it easy to intervene militarily in Pakistan if that had been necessary.

The PPP. Under these conditions, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), formed in 1967, was able to capitalize on the wave of social radicalisation, winning the 1970 elections. It received the support and the adhesion of many progressive milieux and many trade union cadres, encouraged by the socialist rhetoric and the economic measures advocated by its leader, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Thus, when the PPP came to power in 1972, Communists were included in the government. Reforms, sometimes radical, were indeed implemented (nationalizations of key sectors), but that was nothing exceptional at the time. Since the Bhuttos themselves were representatives of a big feudal-capitalist family in Sind, it was vain to hope that they would attack the established order, and the left wing of the party proved incapable of breaking the control that this clan exercised over the PPP.

When workers took to the streets in May-September 1972, the government decided to drown this popular movement in blood: the resulting repression left dozens dead in the port and industrial metropolis of Karachi. Bhutto had already supported the war against the Bengalis in 1971, as well as repressing the Baluchi people. In 1973, he introduced into the Constitution, for the first time, an Islamist definition of the Pakistani state, a decision that was fraught with consequences. Although disillusioned, the Pakistani Left proved unable to present an alternative to the PPP.

The road was open for the growth of radical religious currents of the far-Right. In 1977, the coup d’état of General Zia Ul Haq installed a new military dictatorship and initiated the process of systematic Islamization of the country. After Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was hanged in 1979, the PPP once again took on a progressive coloration in the eyes of the trade-union and progressive activists who were resisting the dictatorship. The Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD) was born in 1981 with the participation of all the wings of the PPP, right, left and centre.

The 1980s: from the “Struggle” group to the LPP

“Struggle” was born in 1980; at that time its founding nucleus was living in exile in the Netherlands. It belonged to the Trotskyist current organised around the British “Militant”, whose principal leader was Ted Grant (Isaac Blank): the Committee for a Workers’ International (CWI). In every country its sections employed entryist tactics, for example in the Labour Party in Britain. In Pakistan it was in the PPP, given the hopes that the working class placed in this party and taking into account that, faced with the military dictatorship, the fight for democracy was the most urgent task of the moment.

In 1986, after eight years of exile, the leading nucleus of “Struggle” returned to live in Pakistan, publishing the monthly magazine Mazdoor Jeddojuhd ("Workers’ Struggle”). It was very quickly confronted with a situation of generalized crisis of the traditional Pakistani Left. The illusions in the PPP were again dissipated after the coming to power of Benazir Bhutto in 1988. The implosion of the USSR created a deep feeling of despair, of absence of perspectives, in quite broad layers. Twice orphaned (from the PPP and from the “socialist camp”), the parties of Stalinist origin lost most of their militant forces. The beginning of the 1990s was a period of ideological reaction, encouraging the development of fundamentalist movements.

Class independence. In this context of generalized political and ideological confusion, the group which would found the LPP maintained its socialist programmatic course. In 1991 it ended its entryist policy, judging rightly that the working class was going to take its distance from the PPP. In order to build an alternative, the perspective of the creation of a workers’ party by the trade unions was launched in 1993. For this purpose, Jeddojud Inlabi Tehrik (JIT, Struggle Revolutionary Movement) was set up the following year. It addressed a fundamental question: the political independence of the working class. As we have already noted, through alliances with various bourgeois forces, the traditional communist organizations had abandoned this terrain, eroding their identity and finding themselves systematically in a subordinate position within the nationalist fronts, blocs and parties.

The project which gave birth in 1997 to the LPP can be firstly defined in this way: to take up again the fight for class independence, in its social, political and programmatic dimensions. By doing this, the militants who came from the “Struggle” group were able to win to this project trade-union cadres and members of the PCP who did not accept that their party no longer talked about socialism.

The break with the CWI. The break between what became the LPP and its origins came in two stages. The CWI split in 1991, one of the key issues being whether or not to end entryism. Ted Grant and his supporters were in a minority, but had the support of the majority of “Struggle”. The minority in Pakistan founded Young Fighters in 1992 to lay the basis for an independent organization, and JIT the following year, whose success paved the way for the launching of the LPP.

The final break with the CWI came in 1997-98 because of the opposition of the international leadership to the launching of the LPP, and more broadly to the idea that national sections could determine their own tactics. The foundation of the LPP caused in 1997-1998 the final rupture with the CWI, which maintained an entryist policy within the PPP.

The influence of the “Militant” current seems to have been for a period very real in Pakistan, Ted Grant being a reference for intellectuals and journalists. One of the members of parliament of the PPP belonged to their organization. But it is quite difficult to measure the cohesion and the implantation of an entryist current: if it does not conquer the leadership of the party in which it operates (which happens only in exceptional cases), the moment of truth comes when it engages in building an independent organisation. Through putting off this moment and because of divisions (this international current experienced several successive splits), it seems that with the exception of the LPP, the groups coming from the “Militant” in Pakistan have lost their substance and the hey days for them seems to be over.

A precarious situation. At the end of the 1990s, the LPP was still in a very precarious situation. Ideological confusion on the left was then at its peak. No longer being able to turn to Moscow or Beijing, forced to recognize that there is not, within the Pakistani ruling classes, a “national bourgeois” dynamic, progressive intellectuals came to hope that the “modernization” of the country would come thanks to capitalist globalization, under the direction of the World Trade Organization (WTO). While systematically seeking to encourage alliances around concrete political issues and terrains of struggle, the LPP thus had to undertake a rather solitary political combat.

Constancy in the struggle

If the LPP has been able to develop as it has in recent years, it is obviously because there existed a space for democratic and social resistance. By its success in 2006, the World Social Forum in Karachi, in which I was able to take part, was a concrete incarnation of this space, in which there were to be found democratic, social and political movements - a space of liberty in a country living under a military regime, feeling the pressure of religious fundamentalism. Nevertheless, it was not easy to seize the occasion to bounce back politically. How did the LPP do it?

Defending its right to exist. First of all, the LPP refused to let itself be paralysed by repression. The majority of its leaders (including its women leaders) were arrested at one time or another under the Musharraf dictatorship. Its trade union and peasant cadres can be threatened with death by the henchmen of the landowners and capitalists - and some have been killed, or imprisoned by a police force under orders. In the North-West, they can be the target of the Talibans (three militants have already been assassinated). Up until now, the LPP has nevertheless succeeded in preserving its political space, its right to exist, answering repression by democratic mobilization and refusing to be driven into clandestinity. In the same way, its women militants have not given in to the rising pressure of fundamentalism.

Sense of initiative. The LPP has also demonstrated very great capacity for initiative. It has helped in the work of unionising particularly oppressed sectors of the working class, such as the workers in the brick-kilns, which are often installed in a rural environment. It has given unconditional support to peasant struggles, in spite of certain “workerist” reservations. It has initiated or taken part in many feminist struggles, with the aim of really meeting the needs of the popular sectors. It organised an intense solidarity campaign after the earthquake which devastated Kashmir in 2005. It has been fully involved in the process of the social forums, both in Pakistan and on the international level. It plays an active role in the antiwar networks on both sides of the Indo-Pakistani border and against the war in Afghanistan. It mobilized all its forces when the Lawyers’ Movement initiated the showdown with General Musharraf in 2007. It extended its intervention as far as the Swat valley, in the middle of the conflict between the army and the Talibans, and mobilized in favour of the populations of “internal refugees”, displaced by the war.

A small anecdote will serve to illustrate this sense of initiative. A delegation of the LPP took part in the World Social Forum in Nairobi, Kenya in 2007. Seeing that the organization of the forum was largely in the hands of big corporations (!) and that the restaurant prices were unaffordable for most of the participants, the LPP members bought supplies in the local markets, set up a makeshift stall and sold every afternoon an “anti-capitalist curry” which was a big success. So with a membership which remains extremely limited, the LPP covers a broad range of activities and responds quickly to political events.

Political constancy. The LPP has also shown great constancy in its political orientation. Looking for the “lesser evil”, progressive Pakistani circles have very often tended to swing from one position to another depending on the circumstances. Faced with the ineffectiveness and corruption of the parliamentary regime, many of them gave more or less open support to the army, as in 1999 at the time of Musharraf’s coup d’état – only to later place their faith in clientelist civilian parties to replace the dictatorship of the army. In the same way, they can support the military offensive against the Talibans after having shown a great deal of tolerance towards the fundamentalist movements in the name of anti-imperialism.

The LPP has always refused to choose between two evils: between the corruption of the clientelist parties and the military regimes, between the army and the religious fundamentalists, between NATO and the Talibans… There is, moreover, much complicity which link these formally opposite poles.

By maintaining against wind and weather its line of “neither the army nor the fundamentalists”, “neither NATO nor the Talibans”, the LPP has more than once found itself relatively isolated among left organizations (it currently encounters much criticism because it continues to denounce the exactions of the army instead of keeping silent in the name of the Taliban danger). But by doing this, it traced in the long term an indispensable line of class independence without which there can be no possible rebuilding on the left. That is what is most important.

Courage. Let us put it simply. You need courage to multiply political initiatives in a country like Pakistan. Not the courage of underground work or the armed struggle, but the courage of working openly on the hottest political and social “frontlines”. Such as going to demonstrate their solidarity with Christian villages attacked by the Islamists. Such as taking sides with the peasants of an army farm, subjected for three months to a total blockade by the army (the AMP had eleven members killed between 2002 and 2009). Such as the women activists who defy the fundamentalists and their moral order. Such as deciding to organize in the frontier conflict zones.

A new stage

In the last few years, the LPP has experienced an important regional extension and reinforced its social implantation. In so doing it is transforming itself, and that is what makes this experience particularly interesting. “Struggle” was at the outset an ideologically compact nucleus of activists. Although still small, the LPP presents today certain features of a mass party. Similarly, the original forces of the party were mainly based in Punjab. Although unequally, it is now present in the whole country. As a consequence, the diversity of Pakistan is reflected in the party.

Party and movements The LPP is attempting an original experiment with regard to the relationship between parties and social movements. It joins with peasant associations and with trade unions in initiatives which combine social demands and a political message in a way that is not very common in France. This was for example the case with the great popular meeting in Faisailabad which was held just after the congress of the LPP (see the insert below).

However, the LPP refuses to reproduce the “organic” relations that are so common in South Asia between parties and “their” mass organizations. It does not “possess” a trade-union or peasant “wing”. If, in its eyes, only a common front between left parties and social movements can ensure the strengthening of struggles, this alliance must take place in a transparent fashion, respecting the independence of the social movement. Already in 1994, JIT supported the formation of the Pakistan Workers Confederation (PWC), just as the LPP supported the National Trade Union Federation (NTUF), founded in 1998. More recently, it helped with the establishment of Anjaman Mozareen Punjab (AMP, Punjab Peasants’ Association), in particular in farms owned by military institutions, Then, in 2003, it facilitated the links that were established between the 22 rural organizations which formed the Pakistan Peasant Coordinating Committee (PPCC). In the same way it supports in Faisailabad the Labour Quami Movement (LQM, National Workers’ Movement).

From 1993, JIT had decided to aid, with the support of institutions, trade unions and social-democratic organizations in Sweden, the development of popular social organizations: schools intended for working children, centres of support to the trade union movement, campaigns for peace… In Pakistan, the Labour Education Foundation (LEF) played a driving role in these initiatives, in particular from the year 2000. That same year, the LPP supported the formation of Women Workers Help Line (WWHL) and of the National Student Federation (NSF) then, in 2003, of the Progressive Youth Front (PYF). The LPP and its predecessors have taken part in many unitary coalitions: from 1991, the Pakistan Anti-War Committee and, in 1992, the Joint Action Committee for People’s Rights (JAC), Lahore), and also, in 2005, the Anti-Privatization Alliance… They also took part in various experiences of left political coalitions in 1997, 2006, and still do so today.

This short summing-up of their history shows an unquestionable political continuity between the period of “Struggle” and that of the LPP: commitment to the strengthening of social movements, on all terrains. It also shows what is new: the growing weight of trade unions and peasant associations compared to the associative structures and NGOs of the early period, with a qualitative leap at the beginning of the 2000 decade. This process is still underway. A new women’s association is due to be launched in the near future at a federal level (whereas the WWHL was formed in Punjab). The rebirth of a radical student movement is still in the early stages. As for the trade union and peasant movement, it remains divided and very unevenly implanted depending on the sectors and regions…

New members. Today, recruitment to the LPP is much less “ideological” than in the past: it depends above all on the activities of the party, both political (various campaigns, the fight against the Musharraf dictatorship) and social (support to struggles). Thus not only the cadres, but also the members of the trade unions and peasant associations join it, giving it its popular base. The presence of trade union, peasant and women leaders was very noticeable during the congress of the LPP.

This popular recruitment to the LPP (still uneven depending on the region: in some places, there is still only a handful of members) is a source of strength. But recruitment to the party often remains fluid. The number of cadres who are educated on the theoretical level is limited. The LPP does not want to slow down its expansion: you have to strike the iron when it is hot. But it will be necessary for it to be able to combine expansion and consolidation, which is easier said than done.

Federalism. In another significant innovation, at its last congress the LPP no longer elected a national committee, but a federal committee. Pakistan is a puzzle of provinces and as it develops the party must take more account of this. For the first time, the 140 delegates came from all the provinces: Sind, Punjab, Baluchistan, Gilgit Baltistan, Sareiki Waseeb, Pukhtoonkhawa (North-western) and Kashmir. The intention is to establish an independent party in Pakistani-occupied Kashmir – the Labour Party Kashmir – the Kashmiris in the meanwhile remaining members of the LPP. In an indication of this situation, the discussions during the LPP congress sometimes took place between provincial delegations.

Punjab remains the strongest base, with 3,500 members. But the Pashtun North-West is the region where the LPP has recently grown most quickly (2,000 members) with the help of a small Afghan organization. Sind, where there are a good many cadres who come from the PCP, is the third-largest province by the number of members. The federal committee has 31 members, including 9 women.

It is all the more important to take account of the national realities and sensitivities of Pakistan in that the Punjabi elite to a large extent dominates (along with the Pashtuns) the army and the administration, which feeds the resentment of the other provinces. Historically, however, the basic structures of the LPP and its partner associations are also located in Punjab. The present geographical expansion of the party is contributing to better balancing its implantation, but this process is still far from being completed.

From one stage to another. A first stage has been at least partially completed over the last ten years. The LPP is not a bigger version of “Struggle”. It is a party qualitatively broader both in its composition and in its political profile: moreover it defines itself as “Marxist” and not specifically “Trotskyist” (even though the programmatic heritage of an anti-Stalinist Marxism remains obvious). Especially, its relationship with society has started to change.

Of course, a new stage of construction is beginning while at the same time the preceding one is not yet fully completed. The LPP will face new problems and will have to solve new difficulties. Nothing is definitively won, but the road that has been travelled is already full of lessons. We must take this experience into account in order to understand them.

On the left…

During my first stay in Pakistan, participating in the Karachi Social Forum of Karachi gave me a glimpse of Pakistani progressive forces and various social movements, such as the Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF). However, during my subsequent visits, in 2006 (to Lahore, Rawalpindi, Murdan and Kashmir), and this time on the occasion of my second visit (to Lahore, Faisalabad, Kasur, Okara and Gujranwala), it was by the LPP - my “sister organization” - that I was (very warmly) welcomed. Even though I had the occasion to meet representatives of other currents, I did not really have time to give a proper description of the state of the Pakistani Left - nor even to visit the LPP in all the provinces. So I do not claim to present an exhaustive tableau of the situation and I will avoid drawing peremptory “conclusions”…

It seems however that the turn in the situation which the recent development of the LPP expresses is starting to be felt more widely. The illusions in the “modernising” role of globalization and the WTO are being dissipated by the capitalist crisis. Marx and Marxists are attracting a new readership. The old strategic differences that separated Stalinist, Maoists and Trotskyists are in the process of being overcome. Several groups coming from the traditional Left have just formed together the Workers Party of Pakistan (WPP) - hoping that this regrouping will last longer than some of its predecessors.

The breadth of the Lawyers’ Movement and the mass mobilizations which accompanied it, before and after the fall of Musharraf, were really exceptional. Social struggles like those of the textile workers in June 2008 in Faisalabad and the peasants of the military dairy farm in Okara are also remarkable both by their duration and by their ability to face up to repression. The convergences which are taking shape between peasant associations and trade unions - a convergence which ensured the success of the meeting in Faisailabad, shortly after the LPP congress – have very great potential. The long march of the Awami Tehreek (People’s Movement) in Sind expresses the dynamism of regional movements. The rejection of both the Talibans and the army which is becoming stronger in the North-West shows that there too, a space exists for an independent left policy, while NATO’s intervention in Afghanistan is becoming bogged down. A new wave of radicalisation seems to be taking shape in the student milieu. In this country, subjected to very strong Islamist pressures, the range of women’s resistances to “normalization” and the role that women play in many social struggles (from fishermen to peasants) are impressive. I would certainly not like to claim that the situation in Pakistan is good! But a breach has opened which can enable a radical Left, consistent in its engagements, to reconstitute itself on a scale without precedent in this country.

Internationalists!

The LPP makes very great efforts to concretize its commitment to internationalism. Over and above the activist networks and campaigns (social forums, antiwar movement…), it has forged important links in Sweden, maintains multiple political relations and takes part as a permanent observer in the life of the Fourth International. It wanted there to be as big a foreign presence as possible at its congress and at the mass meeting which followed it. Only six activists answered its call - and three of them had to abandon the voyage, since they did not obtain visas: a North-American and two Indians. So there were three of us present - an Afghan, an Australian and myself - which was too few. In 2006 already, international participation in the Karachi WSF was well below the level that would have corresponded to what is at stake in Pakistan and this part of the world. At a time when US imperialism conceives “Afpak” as a single theatre of war, it is time for us to become aware of the importance of the combat that is being undertaken by our comrades of the LPP and the Pakistani Left. And of the threats which hang over them. We have already had to conduct campaigns of solidarity to protect them from repression, and we will have to do so again in the future, and to help them to build their party in a country where there reigns such great poverty.

It is increasingly difficult for Pakistanis to obtain visas to go to Europe. It is easier for Europeans to go to Pakistan. The stay there is enthralling, because Pakistan, theatre of war, is also Pakistan, theatre of struggles. This is an invitation to make the trip.

Pierre Rousset


INSERTS

Pakistan

Pakistan was founded in 1947 with the bloody partition of the British Indian Empire. In the beginning it comprised West Pakistan (the present Pakistan) and East Pakistan (which became Bangladesh). The split between these two countries, separated by the breadth of India, occurred after the war of 1971.

With 180 million inhabitants (in 2009), Pakistan is the sixth most populous country in the world and the second biggest Muslim country, after Indonesia. The population is estimated to be more than 70 per cent Sunni and 20 per cent Shiite, with small minorities: Muslim (Sufism, Ahmadis…), Christians, Hindus, Sikhs, Parsees (Zoroastrians)… In this federal state situated at the crossroads of many cultural influences, the weight of the provinces, regions and nationalities is very great, with in particular Punjab and Sind on the Indian border; Kashmir under Pakistani administration and Gilgit (in the Himalaya range) on the border between India and China; the Pashtun North-West, the tribal zones, on the Afghan border; Baluchistan on the Iran-Afghanistan border.

Allied with the United States and China, Pakistan occupies a key geopolitical place at the point where the Middle East, Central Asia and South Asia meet. It is very directly implied, at its Western border, in the war in Afghanistan. On its Eastern border, the question of Kashmir maintains a situation of latent war with India. Like the latter, it is equipped with nuclear weapons.

Largely agricultural (cotton, rice, sugar cane), the country exports especially textiles and food products. In addition to textiles, industry covers the sectors of manufactured goods, chemicals, mines and the iron and steel industry, the building industry… The weight of the service sector is important. In the countryside social relations often still have particularly brutal and unegalitarian “feudal” features.

Pakistan has experienced a process of Islamization – which began especially at the end of the 1970s - and a succession of clientelist parliamentary regimes and military regimes. Islamabad is the capital, Lahore the best known historical centre and Karachi its port and industrial metropolis.


A big worker and peasant meeting

The congress of the LPP was followed on January 29, 2010 by a big popular meeting in Faisalabad (the biggest centre of textile production in Pakistan) with nearly ten thousand participants, the big majority of whom were workers and peasants, with a significant number of women present. It was jointly called by the LPP, the National Workers’ Movement (FQM) and the Peasant Association of Punjab (AMP) around two central demands: the right to social security for all the workers of the industry; the right to land of those who cultivate it, particularly in the “military farms” which are owned by military institutions. Most of the participants arrived in their contingents, marching in with many red flags; those who came individually were rare: the LPP has only recently established its presence in this city and, especially, people hesitate to go to such political meetings for fear of bomb attacks.

The contingents came from Faisalabad and its suburbs (the trade-union contingent, including textile workers) and from rural districts around Lahore, Okara, Delapur, Renala Khurd and Kulyana. It was very important that workers and peasants were together in this way, in a common initiative. The presence of Afghan, Australian and French speakers gave it an internationalist dimension, under the historical slogan: “Workers of all lands, unite!” The meeting affirmed its solidarity with the Pashtun populations who are victims of the confrontations between the Talibans and the army, and also with the Baluchis, who have suffered atrocities at the hands of the army. This feeling of solidarity was expressed in many of the slogans: “The sufferings of each are the sufferings of all”, “Equal rights for women”, “No to discriminatory laws”. The slogans were also markedly radical: “No to the IMF and the World Bank”, “Down with American imperialism”, “Down with capitalism and feudalism”, “Asia is red”, “Our strategy is the struggle”, “Revolution is our road”. Chants stressed the fight against war and for social demands: “Give peace a chance”, “No to the drone attacks and to religious fundamentalism”, “Stop violence”. “Land or death”, “Trade union rights, our human rights”.

Many representatives of associations, movements and unions were on the platform, as well as various left currents. The meeting really made an impact. It re-occupied the Dhobi Ghat esplanade, the traditional political meeting place which had been abandoned for several years out of fear, in particular of suicide bombers. A whole range of detailed resolutions were adopted on this occasion, in defence of the rights of peasants, workers and women - so many concrete commitments made for the coming struggles.

Flashe

Poetry plays a very important part in popular culture in Pakistan. Thus, meetings are introduced and rhythmed by poems sung or recited, which are very much appreciated. This happened at the mass meeting in Faisalabad, but also at the LPP congress.

The poets are fully-fledged speakers. Thus, during the LPP congress, a poetess sang about the oppression of women: “We who give life to every value/We are ourselves without value/We who are called paradise/We live in hell”. In the same way the women delegates gave voice during the congress to many feminist slogans.

The mass meeting was called jointly by trade unions and peasant movements and by the LPP. As is the custom in Pakistan, the opening speech by the LQM included the reading of a verse from the Koran; not so the opening speech of the LPP: the political Left refuses to do that. The woman vice-president of the LQM, Sumina Sarwer, intervened wearing a light shawl. Bushra Khaliq, a woman leader of the LPP, spoke bareheaded - and received an ovation from the popular assembly (she is an excellent speaker).

To be the guest of the LPP is not a restful experience. You have to give greetings to a congress, to intervene in a mass meeting, to address a meeting of lawyers, to meet NGOs, to affirm your solidarity with peasants engaged in a struggle against the army, to attend a meeting on the role of trade unions with weaving loom workers, to discuss the world situation with left intellectuals, to tell students about 1968, to be interviewed by journalists, to talk about feminism in a town meeting… and to refuse, regretfully but for lack of time, invitations to go to Murdan, Islamabad, Multan, Karachi…

P. R.

MoH: Israel prevents delivery of oxygen to hospitals



Published Friday 25/06/2010 (updated) 28/06/2010 09:37



Bethlehem – Ma'an – Seven oxygen machines donated to the Palestinain Authority by a Norwegian development agency were seized by Israeli officials en route to hospitals in the West Bank and Gaza, the Ramallah-based health ministry said.

The machines, the ministry said in a Thursday statement, were confiscated by Israeli officials who claimed that the generators attached "came under the category of possible use for non-medical purposes" if they were delivered to the southern Gaza governorates.

While only one generator was bound for southern Gaza, all seven were taken, the statement said, and "all were badly needed for medical treatment."

The six others were bound for government hospitals in the northern Gaza, inducing the European Hospital in Gaza City, the Rafdieyah hospital in Nablus, and other facilities in Ramallah and Hebron.

The Ministry of Health made an official appeal to the Norwegian Development Agency, which had supplied the machines, asking that hey intervene and demand the release of the equipment at the soonest possible date.

"Any delay in obtaining the medical equipment will negatively affect the health of patients," the statement concluded, holding all partners responsible for the well being of Palestinians as the goods are withheld.
http://www.maannews.net/eng/ViewDetails.aspx?ID=294521

Launching of an Appeal against Repression in Thailand


Danielle Sabai and Pierre Rousset

The crackdown on the opposition in Thailand and the abuses of the regime have not been met with the solidarity response and the international condemnations which the situation required. The regime can thus freely operate and stifle the democratic movement.

News from Thailand are alarming: hundreds of people detained for violations of the Emergency Decree, including children; injured people are chained to their hospital bed, several assassinations of local leaders of the Red Shirts have taken place. The country is moving deeper into an authoritarian and military regime. The elite are even considering postponing the elections for six years, thus giving the Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva the possibility of leading the country for ten years against the will of the majority of Thai citizens.

Thai society is deeply unequal in every respect. The red shirts have expressed loud and clear their determination to fight the injustices they suffer: they express a class movement as well as one defending regional diversity, against the establishment in Bangkok.

The Red Shirts movement is not without divisions and problems. Some support the return of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, a corrupt politician. But overwhelmingly, the movement expresses the revolt of the downtrodden of society whose demands are democracy and social justice.

By demonstrating in the streets of Bangkok, the Red Shirts have only been exercising a basic right: the right to express one’s political views and demands. Abhisit Vejjajiva bears full responsibility for the repression and the casualties because, rather than holding meaningful negotiations, he gambled, in vain, on the disintegration of the movement. He then used the repressive legal arsenal (accusations of conspiracy against the monarchy and of terrorism), and finally organized a bloodbath.

This appeal has two simple aims: kick-starting solidarity on the international level, and calling for the Thai regime to stop the repression against the Red Shirts, and to respect fundamental freedoms.

More than a hundred university lecturers, researchers, writers, journalists, trade union and political activists, and elected representatives from all regions of the world have already signed the appeal. New signatures are expected.

Against Repression in Thailand

For more than two months, the Red Shirts have mobilised with decisiveness and purpose in the streets of Bangkok to support their demands of democracy and social justice.

The government led by Abhisit Vejjajiva chose to respond to these demands with violence and repression. It committed a serious violation against human rights when it authorised the use of military hardware to dissolve the demonstrations. The result was extremely serious: there were at least 89 dead and nearly 2000 wounded.

Today, democratic rights are not respected: there are 99 arrest warrants against opponents. The places where most of the detainees are held are kept secret. The government has imposed censorship on the alternative media. The penalties incurred are especially severe: from 3 to 15 years for “lese-majesty” to the death penalty for “terrorism”.

The Red Shirts are being treated by the government as if they were “terrorists”. It is a complex movement, but its members are mainly ordinary poor people whose most elementary political rights –like the respect due to the result of an election—have been ignored.

The Thai government can continue to repress the Thai people freely, because its constant violations against human rights have not been confronted by international solidarity and condemnation. We make a call to all progressive and democratic organizations to demand the end of the repression and the respect of fundamental rights in Thailand; to start an international campaign to obtain the freedom of political prisoners and the end of intimidation and inculpation of the Red Shirts.

We demand from the Thai government that it raises the State of Urgency and immediately re-establishes democratic freedoms in the country; that it ends the repression against the Red Shirts and that all prisoners are freed without any delay.

First signatories:

  1. Samir ABI, General Secretary, Attac (Togo)
  2. Gilbert ACHCAR, SOAS,  Professor of the University of London (UK)
  3. Christophe AGUITON, Researcher (France)
  4. Osman AKINHAY, Writer and editor of Mesele Revue (Turkey)
  5. Greg ALBO, Professor at the York University, Toronto (Canada)
  6. Josep Maria ANTENTAS, Professor of sociology, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona (Catalonia)
  7. Daniel ANTONINI, International Secretary of PRCF (France)
  8. Zely ARIANE, Spokesperson of KPRM-PRD (Indonesia)
  9. Salvador LOPEZ ARNAL, Writer and Professor-tutor of Mathematics , UNED (Spain)
  10. AU Loong-Yu, Editorial board member of China Labor Net (Hong Kong)
  11. Walter BAIER, Coordinator of the European network Transform! Editor of the magazine Transform!, Vienne (Austria)
  12. Jean BATOU, Professor at the University of Lausanne (Switzerland)
  13. Pierre BEAUDET, Professor at the University of Ottawa (Canada)
  14. Walden BELLO, Member of the Congress, Akbayan representative (Philippines)
  15. Paul BENEDEK, Thai Red Australia (Australia)
  16. Olivier BESANCENOT, Spokesperson of NPA (France)
  17. Hugo BLANCO, Director of “Lucha Indígena”¨, (Peru)
  18. Saumen BOSE, Radical Socialist (India)
  19. Tapan BOSE, Radical Socialist  (India)
  20. Peter Boyle, National Convener, Socialist Alliance (Australia)
  21. Alex Callinicos, Professor, chair of European Studies at King’s College London (UK)
  22. Porferia CARPINA, KASAMMAKA (Philippines)
  23. Mabel CARUMBA, Mindanao Peoples’ Peace Movement (Philippines)
  24. Kunal CHATTOPADHYAY, Professor of Comparative Literature, Jadavpur University, Radical Socialist (India)
  25. Kamal MITRA CHENOY, Chair, Centre for Comparative Politics & Political Theory, School of International Studies,  Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi (India)
  26. Ashok CHOUDHARY, National Forum of Forest People and Forest Workers (India)
  27. Annick COUPE, Spokesperson of Union Syndicale Solidaires (France)
  28. Cyc CUABO, ERDAC, Inc. (Philippines)
  29. Lucile DAUMAS, Attac (Marocco)
  30. Sushovan DHAR, Radical Socialist (India)
  31. Jean-Michel DOLIVO, Lawyer and MP, Lausanne (Switzerland)
  32. Jacques Fath, international head, PCF (France)
  33. Paulina FERNANDEZ CHRISTLIEB, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (Mexico)
  34. Carlos FERNANDEZ LIRIA, Professor of the Universidad Complutense de Madrid (Spain)
  35. Mano GANESAN, Convener of Civil Monitoring Commission (Sri Lanka)
  36. George GASTAUD, Philosopher, National Secretary of PRCF (France)
  37. Franck GAUDICHAUD – University of Grenoble (France)
  38. Elisabeth GAUTHIER, Managing Director of Espaces Marx, co-Editor of the European revue Transform!  (France)
  39. P.T. GEORGE, Intercultural Resources, Delhi (India)
  40. Susan GEORGE, Writer (France)
  41. Jocelyne HALLER, Member of the Constitutional Assembly of Geneva county (Switzerland)
  42. Adolfo GILLY, Historian, Professor at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (Mexico)
  43. Sam GINDIN, Packer Visitor in Social Justice, York University (Canada)
  44. Rufino GONZAGA, Ranao Tri-People Movement for Genuine Peace and Development (Philippines)
  45. Karl GRÜNBERG, Trade-Union Secretary, SSP, Geneva (Switzerland)
  46. Sébastien GUEX, Professor at the University of Lausanne (Switzerland)
  47. Priyani GUNARATNA, Rural Services of SLBC (Sri Lanka)
  48. Shubhra GURURANI, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, York University, Toronto (Canada)
  49. Jean-Marie HARRIBEY, Economist, Professor at the Université Bordeaux IV (France)
  50. Nasir HASHIM, State Assemblyman (Malaysia)
  51. Mazher HUSSAIN, COVA (India)
  52. Linus JAYATILAKE, President of the United Federation of Labor (Sri Lanka)
  53. Andrée JELK-PEILA, President of the Public Service Trade-Union Cartel, Geneva (Switzerland)
  54. Dr. JEYAKUMAR, Member of Parliament (Malaysia)
  55. Abdul KHALID, Focal Person, CADTM-Pakistan (Pakistan)
  56. Alain KRIVINE, Former European MP (France)
  57. Hayri KOZANOGLU, Professor at the İstanbul University of Marmara, former President of the ÖDP (Turkey)
  58. Zbigniew Marcin KOWALEWSKI, Researcher and editor (Poland)
  59. Herman KUMARA, National Fisheries Solidarity Movement (Sri Lanka)
  60. Kenji KUNITOMI, JCRL (Japan)
  61. Max LANE, Asian Studies, University of Sydney (Australia)
  62. Bernard LANGLOIS, researcher North/South relations (France)
  63. Ronald LARA, IIRE-Manila (Philippines)
  64. Cha N. LAVANDER, Mindanao Tri-People Youth Center (Philippines)
  65. Doug LORIMER, Editor of Direct Action (Australia)
  66. Francisco LOUCA, MP, Bloc de Gauche representative (Portugal)
  67. Javier MAESTRO, Professor at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid, (Spain)
  68. Michael Löwy, Professor, Emerited research director, CNRS (France)
  69. Acmad MACATIMBOL, Lanao Alliance of Human Rights Advocates (Philippines)
  70. Lisa MACDONALD, International Relations Convener, Socialist Alliance (Australia)
  71. Ign MAHENDRA K, Chairperson, Working People Association (PRP) (Indonesia)
  72. Claire MARTENOT, member of the Constitutional Assembly of the Geneva county (Switzerland)
  73. Soma MARIK, Associate Professor of History, RKSM Vivekananda Vidyabhavan, member, Nari Nirjatan Pratirodh Mancha (Forum Against Women’s Oppression, Calcutta) (India)
  74. Emre ÖNGUN, Assistant Professor of the European University of Lefke, Head of Applied Sciences School (Northern Cyprus)
  75. Gustave MASSIAH, Founding member of CEDETIM /IPAM (France)
  76. Roberto MONTOYA, Writer, Madrid (Spain)
  77. Braulio MORO, Journalist, Radio France Internationale, Latin America Section (France)
  78. Aldjia MOULAÏ, ACOR SOS Racisme (Switzerland)
  79. P.K. MURTHY, Citu (India)
  80. Saïd NAJIHI, Attac (Marocco)
  81. Alessandro PELIZZARI, Trade-union secretary, Unia, Geneva (Switzerland)
  82. William A. PELZ, Doctor at the Institute of Working Class History, Chicago (USA)
  83. John PERCY, RSP National Secretary (Australia)
  84. Manuel PEREZ ROCHA, Associate Fellow, Global Economy Project. Institut for Policy Studies, Washington (USA)
  85. Philippe PIGNARRE, Editor (France)
  86. Tommy ARDIAN PRATAMA, Institute for Crisis and Alternative Development Strategy (Indonesia)
  87. Mimoun RAHMANI, Economist, ATTAC and CADTM Maroc (Marocco)
  88. Pierre ROUSSET, Europe solidaire sans frontières (France)
  89. Danielle SABAI, Journalist (France)
  90. Enis Riza SAKIZLI, Film Director (Turkey)
  91. Ma. Gittel SAQUILABON, Sumpay Mindanao (Philippines)
  92. Mehmet SOGANCI, President of the Chamber of Engineers and Architects (Turkey)
  93. Tanie SUANO, CONZARRD (Philippines)
  94. Aparna SUNDAR, Assistant Professor, Department of Politics and Public Administration, Ryerson University, Toronto (Canada)
  95. Hakan TAHMEZ, Spokesperson of the Peace Assembly (Turkey)
  96. Farooq TARIQ, Spokesperson of the LPP (Pakistan)
  97. Alper TAS, President of ÖDP (Turkey)
  98. Eric TOUSSAINT, CADTM (Belgique)
  99. Terry TOWNSEND, Editor, Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal (Australia)
  100. Enzo TRAVERSO, Assistant Professor at the University of Picardie (France)
  101. Charles-André UDRY, Editor (Switzerland)
  102. Ahmet ÜMIT, Writer (Turkey)
  103. Murat UYURKULAK, Writer (Turkey)
  104. Achin VANAIK, Professor of International Relations and Global Politics, Head of the Department of Political Science, University of Delhi (India)
  105. Pierre VANEK, Secretary of solidaritéS and former MP of the Federal Parliament (Switzerland)
  106. Vikramabahu KARUNARATNE, University of Peradeniya (Sri Lanka)
  107. Esther VIVAS, memberof the Centro de Estudios sobre Movimientos Sociales de la Universidad Pompeu Fabra (Catalonia)
  108. Peter WATERMAN, Reinventing Labour (Netherlands)
  109. Yigit BENER, Writer, (Turkey)

To sign the call:  This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

(Leave your first name, family name, quality and country)

The list of signatories can be viewed on the ESSF website (Section 17803):

http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article17803

Asian left: `Lift the siege on Gaza! Support boycott, divestment and sanctions on apartheid Israel'

Statement by Asian left organisations

[To add your organisation’s endorsement, please email: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. .]

June 25, 2010 -- As Israel stands increasingly isolated following its manufactured confrontation on May 31, 2010, with the peace flotilla in which nine Turkish activists on the Mavi Marmara were murdered, now is the time to increase the pressure on Israel to lift the siege of Gaza.

Israel’s criminal blockade of Gaza is aimed to collectively punish 1.5 million Gazans for their choice of government.

The attack on the flotilla was aimed at demoralising Palestinians and their supporters. But, as we've seen from the global protests – particularly in Turkey and the Arab world – it has backfired on the Netanyahu government. Turkey, once a close political and military ally, has now distanced itself from Israel and supports attempts to break the Gaza blockade.

The attack on the Mavi Marmara has spurred on the global campaign to force Israel to respect international law. In the same way as apartheid South Africa was isolated, so too the global boycott, sanctions and divestment campaign, launched in 2005 by Palestinian unions and other civil society groups, is growing.

On June 7, the Palestinian trade union movement expressed its support for the BDS campaign like this:

“Gaza today has become the test of our universal morality and our common humanity. During the South African anti-apartheid struggle, the world was inspired by the brave and principled actions of dockworkers unions who refused to handle South African cargo, contributing significantly to the ultimate fall of apartheid. Today, we call on you, dockworkers unions of the world, to do the same against Israel's occupation and apartheid. This is the most effective form of solidarity to end injustice and uphold universal human rights.”

We support the global peaceful call to boycott, divest from and sanction Israel for its international war crimes. It must:  lift its illegal siege of Gaza – completely; recognise the democratically elected Hamas government of Gaza; support the right of the refugees from 1948 and 1967 to return to their land; and tear down the apartheid wall.

We call on all progressive organisations, especially trade unions, to join the international boycott, divestment and sanctions campaign to isolate apartheid Israel.

Signed by:

Socialist Alliance (Australia);

Socialist Party of Malaysia (PSM);

Radical Socialist (India);

People’s Democratic Party (PRD -- Indonesia);

Working People Association (PRP -- Indonesia);

South Asia Alliance for Poverty Eradication (Nepal);

Socialist Aotearoa (New Zealand);

Socialist Worker New Zealand;

Labour Party Pakistan;

Pakistan Peace Coalition;

Party of the Labouring Masses (PLM -- Philippines)

Partido ng Manggagawa (Labor Party -- Philippines)

International Institute for Research and Education -- Manila (IIRE-Manila, Philippines)

Bhopal 26 years after: Playing Havoc with Humanity and the Environment

  • On the night of December 2-3 , 1984, the Union Carbide India Limited pesticide plant in Bhopal released methyl isocyanate and other toxins. The result was some 500,000 people were affected. Government agencies estimate that over 15000 people died. After 26 years, the court verdict for the Disaster finally came. And it was proof that after the first death there can be another. Some 25 years after the gas leak, 390 tons of toxic chemicals abandoned at the UCIL plant continue to leak and pollute the groundwater in the region and affect thousands of Bhopal residents who depend on it. On June 7, 2010, seven ex-employees including the former chairman of UCIL were convicted in Bhopal of causing death by negligence and sentenced to two years imprisonment each. An eighth former employee was also convicted but had died before judgement was passed. The sentences will run concurrently. The quantum of fine that chief judicial magistrate Mohan P Tiwari of the trial court in Bhopal has imposed is paltry. The court could have awarded exemplary fine on the accused and the delinquent company. Behind it stood the government, which had diluted the charges, so that convictions came only under sections 304-A (causing death by negligence), 336, 337 and 338 (gross negligence), and 35 (common intention) of the India Penal Code.
  • Warren Anderson, who was then the CEO of Union Carbide, was arrested, but was released on bail, at the instance of powerful figures in the Indian ruling class and government, jumped the bail bond, and was never brought back to India because of the lax way in which India pursued the case. Likewise, the Government of India passed the Bhopal Gas Leak Disaster Act that gave the government rights to represent all victims in or outside India, and used this to strike a bad deal with UCC, according to which it agreed to pay US$470 million (the insurance sum, plus interest) in a full and final settlement of its civil and criminal liability. This meant a total of Rs. 12,000 approximately per person. The US Court has ruled that there can be no extradition of Anderson since according to US law, that his company was guilty is immaterial. His personal criminality has to be proved.
  • Now owned by Dow Corporation, Union Carbide denies responsibility for the tragedy. They are willing to take the profits of Union Carbide India, but not take responsibility for its crimes. And the judiciary has shown that while it is willing to sentence to death an individual who kills for profit or for terrorism, when it is a matter of big corporate bodies it will soft pedal.
  • Bhopal is living evidence that the search for profits under the free market is incompatible with environmental safety and the health of workers and ordinary human beings. It is also proof that the bourgeois state is not neutral, neither the executive, nor the legislature, nor the judiciary. They will use heavy hands on the ordinary people, while they will merely lightly slap the bosses even when hundreds of thousands of people are affected. The entire struggle to get the truth over Bhopal revealed how the goal of profit maximization meant cutting safety measures. In India, unlike Union Carbide plants in the US, its Indian subsidiary plants were not prepared for problems. No action plans had been established to cope with incidents of this magnitude. This included not informing local authorities of the quantities or dangers of chemicals used and manufactured at Bhopal. UCC admitted in their own investigation report that most of the safety systems were not functioning on the night of December 3, 1984. The long term effects on public health have been severe. People have suffered and are still suffering from eye problems, respiratory problems, disorders of immunological and neurological systems, lung injury causing cardiac failure,  female reproductive difficulties and birth defects among children born to affected women.
  • It is the ordinary people, affected, who have fought. Led by Champa Devi, on the 18th anniversary of the disaster, hundreds of women and men had demanded that Dow must take responsibility for UCC’s polluting and clean up the mess. We salute their spirit and call for full support to such struggles.
  •  
  • We demand:
  • 1. Adequate compensation and rehabilitation for the affected gas victims, though the loss is irreparable.
  • 2. Exemplary punishment for all the guilty upper level officials up to Anderson.
  • 3. An immediate halt to the Civil Liability for Nuclear Damage Bill, in view of the Bhopal experience, which shows that the aim of the Indian state is to minimize the liabilities of capitalists, including non-Indian capitalists, even if, as in Bhopal, the worst non-nuclear  environmental disaster in the world has occurred.
  • 4. A countrywide check on all chemical industries and improvement of safety measures. No cuts in safety to maximize profits.
  • We call upon all working class organizations and other mass organizations to mobilize unitedly in struggle against the mass murder in Bhopal and its aftermath, for given the aims of Indian capitalism, including its recent cosying up to Dow Chemicals, nothing will be done to punish the guilty or take future safety measures unless mass working class struggles develop.
Radical Socialist, 8 June, 2010

Effluent Treatment Facilities across Golden Corridor does not conform to GPCB Norms.


Press Release

Date: 4th June 2010

Effluent Treatment Facilities across Golden Corridor does not conform to GPCB Norms.

BUT WHO CARES?

Stop effluent discharge at Tadgam Sarigam Pipeline, from FETP, Ankleshwar, ECP, Vadodara, CETPs of Ahmedabad as the effluent is not able to meet the norms prescribed by Gujarat Pollution Control Board.

- Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti

The problem of industrial pollution first came to light in the nineties, when the issue gained momentum among urban entities about a decade after the Bhopal disaster. Due to pressure from various communities and environmental organizations, courts began intervening in cases to ultimately build the waste “treatment facilities” that exist today. These actions, which were championed by the media, created an entire culture of complacence that “something” great had been done about the pollution. There was a collective urban sentiment that citizens were protected from industries because of the mitigation infrastructure. Despite the “Polluter Pays” principle, even in the nineties the then developing common effluent treatment plants (CETPs) were highly supported by public money; 25% of the cost was state subsidy, 25% central subsidy, 30% loans from financial institute, and 20% directly paid by the industry. In essence half of the proposed solution to the pollution generated for private profit was funded by the general public. Moreover this happened at the same time that the state was withdrawing from its social responsibilities, such as education, health care and transportation. It seems paradoxical that the mounting laissez faire sentiment allowed the state to intervene on behalf of industries – which come to exist by virtue of concentrated resources and power – but not for the welfare of the common masses. Even after such huge investment many of the CETPs including Vapi, FETP - Ankleshwar, Panoli, Nandesari, Vatva, Odhav, Narol etc.  are not able to meet the prescribed GPCB norms.

Sarigam: Legal Notice dated 4th December 2009 issued to Sarigam Waste & Effluent Management Co. Ltd., Sarigam, District - Valsad by Gujarat Pollution Control Board under section 33-A of The Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974 clearly states that “[…] the consent granted to you vide order No. 1623 dated 12-2-2004 has lapsed on dated 31-3-2004 hence, at present you are operating industrial effluent disposal system without CC & A of the Gujarat Pollution control Board under the provision of Water Act.” It further states “[…] during the inspection of your plant on 18-11-2009 … The analysis reports indicates that the concentration like SS, BOD, COD, Chloride, Ammonical Nitrogen, Phenolic Compound, Zinc, & Sulphides, are most of the time higher than the permissible limit specified by the Board.” This clearly indicates that the treatment facility dumps the effluent at village Tadgam without proper permission and effluent does not meet GPCB’s norms.

Vapi CETP: The CPCB report dated 29-3-2010 indicates that effluent being discharged into Damanganga river shows COD: 869 i.e. 347.60% more (GPCB norms 250 mg/l), TDS: 9088 i.e. 432.76% more (GPCB norms 2100 mg/l), and NH3-N: 98 i.e. 196% more (GPCB norms 50 mg/l).

Ankleshwar FETP: The report dated 10-3-2010 of CPCB indicates that effluent discharged into the Gulf of Cambay shows COD: 1241 i.e. 248.20% more (GPCB norms 500 mg/l), and NH3-N: 664 i.e. 1328% more (GPCB norms 50 mg/l).

Effluent Channel Project (ECP), Vadodara: The report indicates that effluent discharged into estuary of Mahisagar river shows pH: 4.6 (GPCB norms 6.5 – 8.5), TSS: 361 (GPCB norms 100 mg/l), TDS: 14458 (GPCB norms 5000 mg/l), COD: 1826 (GPCB norms 250 mg/l), BOD: 334 (GPCB norms 100 mg/l), NH3-N: 387 (GPCB norms 50 mg/l), Cyanide: 2.857 (GPCB norms 0.2 mg/l), and Phenols: 15.37 (GPCB norms 1.0 mg/l).

Ahmedabad, CETP: (1) CETP, Vatva: The report dated 27-1-2010 of CPCB indicates that effluent discharged into Sabarmati river shows COD: 2189 i.e. 879.20% more (GPCB norms 250 mg/l), TDS: 16141 i.e. 768.60% more (GPCB norms 2100 mg/l), and NH3-N: 190 i.e. 380% more (GPCB norms 50 mg/l). (2) CETP M/s GECSL, Vatva: The report dated 29-1-2010 of CPCB indicates that effluent discharged into Sabarmati river shows COD: 1100 i.e. 440% more (GPCB norms 250 mg/l), and TDS: 2506 i.e. 119.33% more (GPCB norms 2100 mg/l). (3) CETP M/s GVMSAVL, Odhav: The report dated 28-1-2010 of CPCB indicates that effluent discharged into Sabarmati river shows COD: 7315 i.e. 2926% more (GPCB norms 250 mg/l), TDS: 6928 i.e. 329.90% more (GPCB norms 2100 mg/l), and NH3-N: 1260 i.e. 2520% more (GPCB norms 50 mg/l). (4) CETP M/s NEPL, Naroda: The report dated 28-1-2010 of CPCB indicates that effluent discharged into Sabarmati river shows COD: 2471 i.e. 988.40% more (GPCB norms 250 mg/l), TDS: 11971 i.e. 570.00% more (GPCB norms 2100 mg/l), and NH3-N: 190 i.e. 380% more (GPCB norms 50 mg/l).

An expensive distraction

In Gujarat, one of the newest such projects is the Final Effluent Treatment Plant (FETP). Touted by the Chief Minister, Mr. Narendra Modi, the Gujarat Pollution Control Board (GPCB), and various Industries Associations as a state-of-the-art solution the structure is designed to divert industrial pollution from Amlakhadi and the Narmada River. First, all of the effluent from the CETPs at Industrial Estates at Ankleshwar, Panoli, and Jhagadia are transported to the FETP plant located in Piraman village, Ankleshwar. Next, the consolidated “treated” effluent is theoretically re-treated to meet GPCB norms. The final “treated” effluent is then transported via a 53 km pipeline to Hansot where it is ultimately discharged into the sea. Operated by Bharuch Eco Aqua Infrastructure Ltd, the pipeline was inaugurated with a capacity of 40 million liters per day (MLD), which has since been increase to 60 MLD to meet the need of the estates.

The FETP was built by the sweat of tax payers. Out of a total project cost of Rs 131.43 crores, the industries paid only Rs 21.75 crores (about 17%); the rest of the tab (Rs 109 crores) was picked up the Central Government, Gujarat Government, and Gujarat Industrial Development Corporation (GIDC) - all of which ultimately draw from public money. It is a familiar story: the profits are distributed privately, but the institutional costs and environmental burden are borne by general public.

The FETP was conceived to relieve local communities of the waste waters from Ankleshwar, Panoli, and Jhagadia Industrial Estates for which it is responsible. It is an open secret that the people living along Amla Khadi, however, are still suffering from industrial effluents. Any passerby can still see the colored water, and the tributary still has fluctuating acidity (some time a pH of 2 to 6). These observations suggest that illegal discharge into the Amlakhadi, the classic industrial dustbin of Ankleshwar, has not ended. But it gets more disconcerting. We investigated the performance of the FETP itself, by exercising our Right to Information regarding this essentially publicly funded and endorsed endeavor. We learned that the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) has been concerned with the prescribed norms of the FETP from the onset. As early as 2006 and repeatedly in 2007, the CPCB has noted that the FETP is not able to meet the prescribed norms. And because of that no expansions and no new industries can legally be sited in the area from 7-7-2007. At the behest of CPCB, GPCB was forced to issue a letter to the Industries Association of Ankleshwar, Panoli, and Jhagadia that no NOC could be given for new industrial and expansion in this area. Any increased traffic in the FETP would exacerbate the existing non-compliance of environmental protocols. We were shocked to discover through state documentation that between 2006 and March 2010, none of the routine monthly checking of standard pollutants in released effluent was within GPCB norms. This is not solely a failure of the FETP – the waste waters sent to the FETP (“inlet” effluent) were outside the norms in the first place – so it is also a failure of the CETP process of Ankleshwar, Panoli and Jhagadia. There is hardly any dent made by the FETP – not just that outlet norms not are achieved but even inlet norms are not met. In effect, the FETP seems to be a physical structure for consolidating and transporting waste, not for treating it. One of the main shocking information is that this plant was not able to meet the norms since 2006 even then the Chief Minister of Gujarat inaugurated a pipeline of the same plant on 25th January 2007 and Centre and State Government invested more than Rs. 100 crores in the company. The explanation for such an act was asked by us from the Chief Minister Office but there was no reply.

Environmental injustice

Adding insult to tax-payers' injury, pollution mitigation infrastructure is as neglected as the pollutants themselves, causing a mutually reinforcing stalemate in the problem of pollution control. Yet, instead of becoming stricter with environmental clearances given to new and expanding potentially polluting industries, the Centre is taking steps to make the process more lenient so that India can march forward to “develop” without obstruction. Instead of focusing on the infrastructure that we do have and making it functional, the state seems obsessed with building new projects that tend to fail just like their predecessors.

The above open secret - realities invites strong action from GPCB under Environment Laws against all these facilities and we strongly feel that no effluent discharge should be allowed from any of these facilities with immediate effect.

We demand: Stop effluent discharge at Tadgam Sarigam Pipeline, from FETP, Ankleshwar, ECP, Vadodara, CETPs of Ahmedabad as the effluent is not able to meet the norms prescribed by Gujarat Pollution Control Board.

 

Rohit Prajapati                     Michael Mazgaonkar                       Swati Desai

Rajnibhai Dave                    Anand Mazgaonkar                         Krishnakant

Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti


VAPI

PERFORMANCE OF CETP AT VAPI- A TREND ANALYSIS BY CPCB,VADODARA

(Grab Sampling)

 

Sampling Location(s)

Year(s)

Parameter(s)

 

 

pH

TSS

TDS

BOD

COD

O & G

NH3-N

Inlet/Design Norms

6.5-8.5

300

--

400

1000

--

--

Inlet to CETP

 

2004

3.9

445

12715

1143

3165

35.7

445

 

2005

7.2

974

9803

769

2640

77

238

 

2006

1.3-6.9

296-1260

5908-8946

343-1340

1030-3111

40-59

142-333

 

04.01.2008

6.04

388

8114

560

1756

49

245

 

22.04.2008

7.14

273

7730

403

2612

--

158

 

17.06.2008

6.27

412

5552

719

2337

--

146

 

15.09.2008

7.02

342

4709

408

1180

25.6

119

 

27.11.2008

7.53

375

7475

521

1637

28

304

 

Outlet of CETP

2004

7.2

227

11238

279

1112

16.5

551

 

2005

7.2

81

10117

221

976

5.9

246

 

2006

6.3-6.5

100-2040

7172-7700

170-910

784-3394

5.9-8.7

171-239

 

May ‘07

7.2

141

9021

135

836

21

282

 

Nov ‘07

6.8

286

7720

92.5

837

--

234

 

04.01.2008

6.32

533

7832

240

973

17

238

 

22.04.2008

7.4

229

7960

98

996

--

160

 

29.05.2008

7.45

407

7027

419

1399

23.7

236

 

17.06.2008

7.10

86

5864

47

497

--

88

 

15.09.2008

7.54

394

4569

64

706

24.4

135

 

27.11.2008

7.66

94

8492

244

748

19

248

GPCB Standards

5.5-9.0

100

2100

100

250

10

50

 

 

 

CETP, Vapi Monitoring Results…..contd….

 

Sampling Location(s)

Year(s)

Parameter(s)

 

 

pH

TSS

TDS

BOD

COD

O & G

NH3-N

Inlet/Design Norms

6.5-8.5

300

--

400

1000

--

--

Inlet to CETP

18.02.2009

6.58

931

8708

910

5358

52

104

 

20.05.2009

7.13

272

6011

333

1509

--

117

 

02.09.2009

7.60

1215

5924

376

1324

50

63.3

 

09.12.2009

6.61

710

9580

444

1517

4.73

64.3

 

29.03.2010

6.95

1032

7791

743

2223

14

71

 

Outlet of CETP

18.02.2009

7.56

711

7298

417

1281

26

105

 

20.05.2009

7.32

460

8177

153

842

14.9

98.8

 

02.09.2009

7.32

60

5768

20

481

32

63.4

 

09.12.2009

6.90

140

8916

84

432

4.86

68

 

29.03.2010

6.99

233

9088

178

869

11

98

GPCB Standards

5.5-9.0

100

2100

100

250

10

50

 


ANKLESHWAR

PERFORMANCE OF FETP AT ANKLESHWAR

- A TREND ANALYSIS BY CPCB, ZOW, VADODARA

Sampling locations

Date of monitoring

Parameters

 

 

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH3-N

CN-

Phenol

S-

O&G

Inlet Design Norms

5.0-8.5

150

12000

1000

200

-

--

-

-

-

Inlet to FETP

28.06.07

6.50

445

7500

1776

453

447

--

7.98

BDL

55.7

 

31.10.07

6.07

721

19623

4882

1261

1021

--

25.7

14.4

39

 

17.01.08

8.32

503

8617

2459

820

477

0.89

8.9

2.0

31.0

 

07.03.08

7.15

402

9776

2538

688

--

--

13.3

2.4

--

 

22.04.08

7.00

411

10776

2408

488

496

1.98

6.06

11.2

19.5

 

27.05.08

8.67

423

10568

2698

687

1657

--

--

--

--

 

17.06.08

6.14

344

9764

2875

900

633

0.72

4.27

3.2

17

 

29.07.08

6.93

532

26922

2510

438

900

1.19

--

0.96

--

 

28.08.08

8.15

583

9838

2173

705

1269

0.31

9.48

3.96

17.8

 

26.09.08

8.60

417

6122

2323

600

749

0.71

5.45

2.8

35

 

Outlet of FETP

28.11.06

7.3

375

9130

1689

514

661

--

-

1.95

227

 

29.11.06

7.4

370

9274

2160

408

616

--

-

1.28

17

 

28.06.07

7.5

395

9274

1341

94

688

--

7.3

BDL

26.8

 

31.10.07

7.02

353

13567

1965

175

788

--

17.3

8.9

33.8

 

17.01.08

7.6

489

7954

1482

659

495

3.85

18.1

13.5

23.0

 

07.03.08

7.9

290

10304

2112

524

661

--

5.75

12

10.2

 

22.04.08

7.8

470

12457

2292

351

612

1.50

14.86

--

--

 

27.05.08

8.04

1220

8060

3090

708

725

0.11

13.68

--

14

 

17.06.08

8.0

256

9216

2483

475

454

0.21

9.47

37.3

12

 

29.07.08

7.76

273

9629

1645

356

813

0.25

--

34.8

22.4

 

28.08.08

8.31

563

9162

911

487

636

0.37

11.36

26.4

27.5

 

26.09.08

8.45

246

6530

1223

338

756

0.39

8.65

17.3

14.0

GPCB Outlet Norms

6.5-8.5

100

--

500

100

50

0.2

5

5

20


PERFORMANCE OF FETP AT ANKLESHWAR

-  A TREND ANALYSIS BY CPCB, ZOW, VADODARA

 

Sampling locations

Date of monitoring

Parameters

 

 

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH3-N

CN-

Phenol

S-

O&G

Inlet Design Norms

5.0-8.5

150

12000

1000

200

-

--

-

-

-

Inlet to FETP

22.10.2008

7.8

298

9546

2547

926

738

--

9.54

3.4

--

 

07.11.2008

8.15

281

11012

2357

840

695

2.01

5.62

4.0

30

 

19.12.2008

8.31

856

7488

3764

1033

32

--

10.67

--

--

 

28.01.2009

6.73

511

8553

4127

852

399.2

--

13.6

--

--

 

05.03.2009

7.67

747

29081

2495

733

371.3

0.27

7.35

3.87

60

 

Outlet of FETP

22.10.2008

8.4

553

11420

2303

857

953

1.85

13.60

34.2

38.0

 

07.11.2008

8.37

386

11167

2613

885

708

0.91

10.19

38.1

20.0

 

19.12.2008

8.23

571

11780

3008

721

338

--

5.64

--

--

 

28.01.2009

7.97

430

9151

4158

728

642.6

--

19.33

65.9

47

 

05.03.2009

8.20

397

11853

2779

630

690.4

0.21

9.37

62.5

19.5

GPCB Outlet Norms

6.5-8.5

100

--

500

100

50

0.2

5

5

20

Note: All values except pH are expressed in mg/l


PERFORMANCE OF FETP AT ANKLESHWAR

- A TREND ANALYSIS BY CPCB, ZOW, VADODARA

 

Sampling locations

Date of monitoring

Parameters

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH3-N

CN-

Phenol

S-

O&G

Inlet Design Norms

5.0-8.5

150

12000

1000

200

-

--

-

-

-

Inlet to FETP

28.01.2009

6.73

511

8553

4127

852

399.2

--

13.6

--

--

 

05.03.2009

7.67

747

29081

2495

733

371.3

0.27

7.35

3.87

60

 

30.06.2009

8.00

159

8500

2725

585

532

0.38

8.42

--

19

 

10.09.2009

8.04

638

12952

2231

646

1158

0.30

3.86

2.8

61.1

 

10.12.2009

6.66

420

7896

2038

683

585

--

8.84

--

--

 

10.03.10

7.99

209

11059

2809

549

391

--

--

--

--

 

10.03.10(C)

8.07

465

6881

2598

728

594

--

--

--

--

 

Final Outlet

28.01.2009

7.97

430

9151

4158

728

642.6

--

19.33

65.9

47

 

05.03.2009

8.20

397

11853

2779

630

690.4

0.21

9.37

62.5

19.5

 

30.06.2009

7.82

327

9164

1764

556

475

0.19

8.04

--

18

 

10.09.2009

7.55

173

8798

702

39

586

0.34

0.82

0.5

13.9

 

10.12.2009

7.11

496

11228

1510

294

785

--

4.84

--

--

 

10.03.10

7.78

371

12413

1241

380

666

1.61

3.41

13.1

59

 

10.03.10(C)

--

405

9823

1498

394

664

2.12

2.75

10.4

--

GPCB Outlet Norms

6.5-8.5

100

--

500

100

50

0.2

5

5

20


VADODARA

CENTRAL POLUTION CONTROL BOARD, West Zone Office, Vadodara

ANALYSIS RESULTS OF MONITORING CARRIED OUT AT M/ ECPL

Date of Sampling: 18.02.2010                                                                                                                 Type of Sampling: Grab

 

Sampling Location(s)

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH3-N

TKN

Cl-

CN-

Phenols

Inlets to ECP

Dhanora (Take Off Point), ECP

Inlet Sump PS-I

 

7.22

238

14616

691

137

443

473

7139

0.414

6.80

 

Inlet Sump PS-2

 

7.35

27

3253

89

17

3.8

6.32

1391

0.105

2.42

 

Inlet Sump RIL (IPCL) 1 & 2

 

9.56

69

2273

68

9.7

10.6

12.2

942

0.014

1.243

Koyali Point (@ 2.5 from Dhanora)

Inlet Sump GSFC

7.72

39

2446

185

41

20

32

734

0.063

1.11

 

Along the ECP

ECP-1,

Just after Dhanora Take Off Point i.e. Start of Channel (Mix effluent from PS-I, PS-II & RIL )

7.88

129

6709

423

50

177

189

3100

0.856

3.92

 

ECP-2,

Near Mujpur Village crossing (@ 20 km d/s of Dhanora Take off Point)

7.58

94

5481

611

57

195

217

2136

0.793

12.76

 

ECP-3,

J-Point  (Final discharge Point, end of Channel, @ 55 km from d/s of Dhanora Take off Point )

4.60

361

14458

1826

334

387

419

3665

2.857

15.37

GPCB Norms

6.5-8.5

100

5000

250

100

50

--

600

0.2

1.0

CENTRAL POLUTION CONTROL BOARD, West Zone Office, Vadodara

ANALYSIS RESULTS OF MONITORING CARRIED OUT AT M/ ECPL

Date of sample collection: 10.03.2008, 27.03.2008, 28.03.2008                                                   Type of sample collection: Grab

Sampling Location(s)

Date of Sampling

pH

TSS

COD

BOD

NH3-N

TKN

Cl-

CN-

Phenols

@ 2 kms downstream from start of  Channel (ECP), Dhanora Take off Point

10.03.2008

7.44

63

338

47

35

59

1797

0.03

0.20

 

27.03.2008, night time

7.7

69

407

25

35

39

1580

0.08

0.71

 

28.03.2008, morning time

7.1

54

357

28

13

50

1602

0.11

1.52

 

28.03.2008, afternoon

7.0

77

594

26

50

82

2753

0.15

8.23

 

@9 kms downstream from  Dhanora Take off Point

10.03.2008

8.01

55

247

42

35

51

876

0.02

0.29

 

27.03.2008, night time

7.0

79

428

21

51

65

2572

0.011

0.43

 

28.03.2008, morning time

8.1

117

1667

76

57

67

2414

0.16

18.67

 

28.03.2008, afternoon

8.6

141

1806

184

81

235

4062

0.23

21.87

 

Near village Vedach (2 kms upward) @ 36 km from Dhanora Take off Point

10.03.2008

7.75

135

784

243

112

126

2879

0.02

0.34

 

27.03.2008, night time

2.1

94

1600

109

49

93

2617

0.01

0.82

 

28.03.2008, morning time

2.6

115

4216

1320

134

152

4535

0.03

1.22

 

28.03.2008, afternoon

3.8

476

2083

492

127

148

3136

0.001

0.960

 

J point, End of Channel (ECP) @ 55 Km from Dhanora Take Off Point, effluent  discharging into  estuary of river Mahi, Gulf of Cambay

10.03.2008

1.1

193

1490

254

96

171

6543

0.80

0.58

 

27.03.2008, night time

7.0

540

941

163

149

171

3746

0.05

4.12

 

28.03.2008, morning time

3.4

480

2419

343

61

87

30263

0.06

5.88

 

28.03.2008, afternoon

4.8

560

1776

219

79.0

105

2256

0.07

2.10

GPCB Norms

6.5-8.5

100

250

100

50

--

600

0.2

1.0


CENTRAL POLUTION CONTROL BOARD,

West Zone Office, Vadodara

EFFLUENT QUALITY AT J-POINT, END OF ECP, DISCHARGE INTO ESTURY OF RIVER MAHI, GULF OF CAMBAY

 

Sampling Location(s)

Year of Monitoring

Date of Sampling

pH

TSS

COD

BOD

NH3-N

TKN

Cl-

CN-

Phenols

J point, End of Channel (ECP) @ 55 Km from Dhanora Take Off Point, effluent  discharging into  estuary of river Mahi, Gulf of Cambay

2008

10.03.2008

 

1.1

193

1490

254

96

171

6543

0.80

0.58

 

 

27.03.2008, night time

 

7.0

540

941

163

149

171

3746

0.05

4.12

 

 

28.03.2008, morning time

3.4

480

2419

343

61

87

30263

0.06

5.88

 

 

28.03.2008, afternoon time

 

4.8

560

1776

219

79.0

105

2256

0.07

2.10

 

2010

18.02.2010

 

4.6

361

1826

334

387

419

3665

2.86

15.37

GPCB Norms

6.5-8.5

100

250

100

50

--

600

0.2

1.0

 


Performance of CETP, Nandesari

Date of Monitoring

Locations

Parameters

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH-3-N

O&G

Phenol

CN

19/01/10

Inlet

8.0

492

21130

1371

242

272

---

---

---

 

Outlet

6.83

338

42677

465

170

17

7.7

0.046

2.12

19/02/10

Inlet

8.28

1118

31262

1857

569

266

---

2.23

---

 

Outlet of Eqt Tank

7.76

184

33705

2737

607

1351

--

5.63

1.14

 

Outlet

 

8.50

329

17836

1090

57

480

4.6

0.67

0.063


AHMEDABAD

 

Performance of CETP Vatva, Ahmedabad

Date of Monitoring

Locations

Parameters

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH-3-N

O&G

Phenol

27/01/2010

Inlet

6.40

550

20739

3696

994

134

--

--

 

Outlet

7.48

839

16141

2189

367

190

26

7.25

Performance of CETP M/s GECSL, Vatva, Ahmedabad

Date of Monitoring

Locations

Parameters

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH-3-N

O&G

Phenol

29/01/2010

Inlet

6.42

220

3851

1496

648

8.6

--

0.38

 

Outlet

6.43

195

2506

1100

372

6.9

1.1

0.35



Performance of CETP M/s, GVMSAVL, Odhav, Ahmedabad

Date of Monitoring

Locations

Parameters

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH-3-N

O&G

Phenol

28/01/2010

Inlet

6.18

3555

10243

3447

1500

370

--

4.63

 

Outlet

7.27

888

6928

7315

2800

1260

5.4

4.13

 

Performance of  CETP M/s, OEPL Odhav, Ahmedabad

Date of Monitoring

Location

Parameters

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH-3-N

O&G

Phenol

29/01/2010

Inlet

7.08

313

12306

1397

256

52

--

1.79

 

Outlet

6.65

96

9391

478

119

22

1.4

0.41

Performance of CETP M/s, NEPL, Naroda, Ahmedabad

Date of Monitoring

Locations

Parameters

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH-3 N

O&G

Phenol

28/01/2010

Inlet

7.27

2133

62350

12778

1856

1042

--

28.75

 

Outlet

7.16

164

11971

2471

584

190

8.2

1.62

 

Performance of CETP M/s, Narol Dyestuff Enviro Society, Narol, Ahmedabad

Date of Monitoring

Location

Parameters

pH

TSS

TDS

COD

BOD

NH-3 N

O&G

Phenol

29/01/2010

Inlet

7.0

70

26226

3267

951

77

--

0.39

 

Outlet

8.21

155

5869

579

60

10

6.7

0.44

Subcategories