4/1, Bhabanath Sen Street, Kolkata 700 004
The New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI) condemns the arrest of veteran trade-union leader, Prafulla Chakraborty. We demand his immediate release!
The New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI) condemns the arrest of veteran trade-union leader, Prafulla Chakraborty. Comrade Chakraborty who was picked up from his residence by the police this morning was long associated with the workers movement of Kanoria Jute Mill at Phuleshwar, Howrah. He was charged with IPC Section 326 (Voluntarily causing grievous hurt by dangerous weapons or means), IPC 324 (Punishment for voluntarily causing hurt), and Sections 149,147,120B and 323.( case number 1145/11 dated 9.10.2011). His bail application was later rejected by the Uluberia Court and is remanded in judicial custody till 24/10/2011.
The Kanoria Jute Mill which reopened on 10/09/2011 had absorbed only about 300 workers out of the total workforce of approximately 2000. There was no real commitment either by the new owner Shiv Shankar Pasari or by the Government of West Bengal about the induction of the balance workforce. This automatically led to tension and disquiet amongst workers left out in the wilderness at the mercy of their fate by all parties concerned. It is learnt that Comrade Chakraborty was having a meeting with those workers on 09/10/2011 at the house of Tapan Mallik, a worker still waiting re-absorption, when they were attacked by a group owing allegiance to the owner of Kanoria Jute Mill. A scuffle took place and later a case was registered against Comrade Chakraborty and others by one Shamsher, a worker who is linked to the group which attacked the meeting. This has been supposedly instigated by ShivShankar Pasari. There are also reports of clashes between rival groups of Trinamool Congress (TMC).Workers apprehend that this fabricated incident is another ploy by the owner to close the mill for certain vested interests. It is also learnt that the management of the Kanoria Jute Mill prepared a letter which is dated 08/10/2011, the day before the incident, trying to indict Comrade Chakraborty and others for instigating violence, etc.
NTUI demands that Comrade Chakraborty should be immediately released. We condemn the vile attempts of Shiv Shankar Pasari and others to instigate violence and tension amongst workers for the furtherance of their own vested interests. We feel that the Government of West Bengal has full responsibility for the induction of all 2000 workers employed with Kanoria Jute Mill. The Government moreover has to play a non-partisan role in solving the problems that the workers are facing, instead of wrongfully arresting Comrade Chakroborty who is a veteran trade unionist and in a precarious health condition .
We note with extreme alarm the increasing attack on workers, trade-unionists and trade-unions in violation of all the worker-friendly promises made by the TMC in its election manifesto. This has to be resisted at all costs.
For more information, contact:
Anuradha Talwar, Convenor-NTUI West Bengal State Committee and Secretary, NTUI (09433002064)
Pradip Roy, Convenor-NTUI West Bengal State Committee (03322192306)
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New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI)
West Bengal State Organising Committee
4/1 Bhabanath Sen Street, Kolkata-700004
Telephone - (33) 2543 5381
Head Office : B-137, First Floor, Dayanand Colony, Lajpat Nagar – IV,New Delhi – 110024
The emergence of a mass movement
Dan La Botz
A handful of young people started Occupy Wall Street in mid-September, as a protest against the banks and corporations that have grown rich while most Americans have grown poorer. Within weeks they had attracted hundreds and then thousands to marches and demonstration in New York City—one of them leading to the arrest of hundreds on the Brooklyn Bridge. The movement’s chant “We are the 99%” rang out not only in the Wall Street canyon but also across the country.” Now there are scores of Occupy groups across the United States camping out in public places, marching and rallying in cities and towns against corporate greed.
Occupy Wall Street and its offspring, nearly all of which began with white youth, have grown not only larger, but more diverse, attracting people from all walks of life and every segment of the society. They are making real their chant, “This is what democracy looks like.” While some of the young people have been inspired by the occupation of Tahrir Square and by the indignados of Spain, this is an essentially American movement about American issues. The Occupy folks are furious at the corporations and many are angry at government as well, they are generally hostile to the Republicans and disappointed in the Democrats. Frustrated with the economic and political situation, they want to tax the rich, they want to stop the foreclosures, they want jobs for themselves and all the other unemployed. Many demand an end to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
While most of those down at Zuccotti Park where the occupation is taking place are from New York, others have come in ones and two from around the country to take a stand against corporate greed. Visitors are impressed with the organization: the kitchen, the medical center, the media center, the daily lectures. Intellectual luminaries such as Joseph Stiglitz, former chief economist of the World Bank; Jeffrey Sachs, Harvard Professor and special advisor to the United Nations’ secretary general; and Barbara Ehrenreich, feminist and author. There is now also a newspaper, The Occupied Wall Street Journal, which plans to go national soon. Tens of thousands of dollars have been raised through small contributions by both Occupy Wall Street and the newspaper.
The peaceful movement has had clashes with the police both in New York City and in other cities and towns, but it has forged ahead. There have been dozens of arrests not only in New York City but also in Boston, Seattle, Des Moines, and yet this has not deterred the growing movement. The weekend of October 8-9 saw a huge demonstration of 10,000 in Portland and good size protest of 750 in Cincinnati. While, as usual, things may be larger, faster moving, and more radical on the coasts, the movement has also touched the “fly-over” country of the Midwest. In Chicago previously planned protests by the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), other unions and community groups brought out thousands in demonstrations against financial institutions that ended up merging with Occupy Chicago, a development that could either strengthen or swamp the Occupy movement there.
Occupy is in part a coming together of activists. Watching any of the demonstrations in any city on any day one sees pass by on the t-shirts and jackets all the logos of every movement that has touched the country in the last decade: anti-war, LGBTQ, foreclosures, and civil rights activists. Walking among them are others new to the movement, blue collar and white collar workers, so far without their logos, slogans, and banners, carrying their hand painted signs with slogans like “Create Jobs, Reform Wall Street, Tax the Wealthy More,” and “The People are Too Big to Fail” (a reference to the argument that the U.S. government had to save the banks because they were “too big to fail”). The sense of hope that the movement is creating was expressed by one sign down at Wall Street that read, “This is the First Time I’ve Felt Hopeful in a Very Long Time.”
The movement has a utopian character. Many of those involved in it want not only to overcome the immediate effects of the economic crisis—they want a better life, a better country, a better world. The movement as such has no ideology. This is populism of a left wing sort: the people versus big business and bad government. Though there are anarchists in it and they have given it some of their style, it is not an anarchist movement. Though there are some socialists in it, the movement is by no means socialist. What is perhaps best and most exciting about the movement is the confluence of the many social movements with middle class and working class people who have come down to Wall Street or in some other town or city down to Main Street to say, “We’ve had it.” The utopianism of the movement has inspired ordinary people to say, “We can live differently, we must, and we will.”
A month or so into the Occupy movement, the labor unions began to take an interest. In New York the unions turned out thousands of their members for a major march in October. At about the same time, Richard Trumka, head of the AFL-CIO spoke out in favor of the movement, as did leaders of various national and local unions. Yet the AFL-CIO and the Occupy movement remain wary of each other. The AFL’s principal goal in the next year is to help Obama and the Democrats win the November 2012 elections, and both the AFL and the Democrats would love to figure out how to harness Occupy for their political goals. Many in the Occupy movement would love to have more workers involved, the unions involved, but they fear the labor bureaucracy’s heavy hand. And, more important for some, they fear losing their political independence to union officials and Democrats.
The Republican Party, of course, loathes the politics of Occupy. House Majority leader Eric Cantor referred to the Occupiers as “mobs.” Alluding to President Barack Obama he said, “Some in this town condone “pitting Americans against Americans.” Mitt Romney, the leading contender for the Republican presidential nomination said, “I think it’s dangerous, this class warfare.” Whatever they may say to the media, the Republicans’ real fear is that Occupy Wall Street could buoy up the Democrats, while their hope that the movement’s radicalism will blow their opponents to the left, costing them votes in the center.
The Democratic Party Congressional Campaign Committee and the think-tank Center for American Program would like to bind the Democratic ties to Occupy Wall Street, believing that the movement could put wind in the party’s sails for the 2012. Other party leaders fear that the identification with the movement would move the party toward the left and away from the center where they believe the voters are. Even more important, some Democratic Party leaders argue, supporting a group that is attacking Wall Street could result in fewer donations from the banks and corporations that fund the Democrats. Bernie Sanders, the only independent in the Senate who calls himself a socialist (though he caucuses with the Democrats) spoke to the Occupy movement with an op-ed piece calling upon the government to break up the banks, support small business, and stop speculation in the oil industry. That was the Progressive Party program of 1912, the traditional program of American populism, but it misses completely the radical spirit of this movement.
Some Democrats would like to see Occupy Wall Street become their Tea Party, the rightwing group that brought new vitality to the Republicans. But Occupy Wall Street activists have kept their distance from the Democrats refusing to provide them a platform for their candidates. For example, when Representative John Lewis, a legend of the civil right movement and liberal African American Congressman from Georgia appeared at an Occupy Atlanta, he was not permitted to speak. Apparently, so far, the movement is committed to defending its independence.
Many of us are working to nurture this movement, to build it, and to help its potentially radical implications emerge.
Copy of the letter send to the Police Commissioner of Vadodara
Rohit Prajapati
37, Patrakar Colony, Tandalja Road, Post: Akota, Vadodara 390 020
Phone No: +91-265-2320399
Email No: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
By Fax, Email & Speed Post
10th October 2011
To,
The Commissioner of Police, Vadodara
Police Bhavan, Indira Avenue,
Jail Road, Vadodara – 390 001
Reference: Various and sudden visits by persons claiming to be police officers or persons belonging to LIB, IB and SOG divisions of police force during last 2 years and latest visit on 09/10/2011.
Subject: Kindly provide me the reasons for the repeated questioning by police, whether there are any allegations or charges, and if so, what these are and if there is an investigation of any kind, I would like to know the nature of the investigation.
Sir,
I, Rohit Prajapati, the undersigned, am associated with various voluntary organizations and am a social activist concerned with various issues including environmental protection and the menace of pollution. As a part of my mission I have taken up and raised a number of matters and issues concerning environmental pollution.
In view of the aforementioned I thought it fit to bring to your kind notice the following facts which seriously threaten my rights as an ordinary human being and citizen of this country:
Copy of the letter send to the Police Commissioner of Vadodara
Rohit Prajapati
37, Patrakar Colony, Tandalja Road, Post: Akota, Vadodara 390 020
Phone No: +91-265-2320399
Email No: This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
By Fax, Email & Speed Post
10th October 2011
To,
The Commissioner of Police, Vadodara
Police Bhavan, Indira Avenue,
Jail Road, Vadodara – 390 001
Reference: Various and sudden visits by persons claiming to be police officers or persons belonging to LIB, IB and SOG divisions of police force during last 2 years and latest visit on 09/10/2011.
Subject: Kindly provide me the reasons for the repeated questioning by police, whether there are any allegations or charges, and if so, what these are and if there is an investigation of any kind, I would like to know the nature of the investigation.
Sir,
I, Rohit Prajapati, the undersigned, am associated with various voluntary organizations and am a social activist concerned with various issues including environmental protection and the menace of pollution. As a part of my mission I have taken up and raised a number of matters and issues concerning environmental pollution.
In view of the aforementioned I thought it fit to bring to your kind notice the following facts which seriously threaten my rights as an ordinary human being and citizen of this country:
After the Danish elections
Thomas Eisler
from http://www.internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article2311
The national elections in Denmark on 15 September marked the end of ten years of the Liberal-Conservative government based on support from the xenophobic populist right Danish Peoples Party (DPP-Dansk Folkeparti). It will be replaced by a centre-left government of the Socialist Peoples Party (SPP-Socialistisk Folkepart), Social Democrats (SD-Socialdemokraterne) and the Social Liberal Party) (SLP-Radikale Venstre) supported by the Red Green Alliance (RGA-Enhedslisten). The big winners of the election were the SLP and the RGA, the latter with a tripling of their support. The main losers were the Conservatives (Det Konservative Folkeparti) and Socialist Peoples Party.
When the Liberal-Conservative government won a majority with the DPP it was a break with decades of governments based on participation or support from centre parties like the SLP. Though the DPP maintains a profile as the defender of workers and pensioners it has been willing to lend votes to government attacks as long as they were paid off with attacks on immigrants. During the Liberal-Conservative government, mobilisations in defence of workers’ rights, against social cuts and the Iraqi war have been closely linked to the perspective of another government.
One of the central questions in the Danish political debate during the last 15 years has been the right to early retirement at the age of 60. During the centre-left government in the 90’es the prime minister guaranteed that early retirement was there to stay. When the centre-left government changed the early retirement in 1999 from a general right to an insurance system linked to the unemployment system it lost a lot of trust from the working class and thus paved the way for the right. The Social Democrats and Social Liberals also took part in a political agreement to gradually raise the age where people would entitled to early retirement and pensions by five years. In his new year speech on 1 January 2011 the prime minister came with a proposal to abolish the early retirement entirely. This initiated campaigns by the trade unions in defence of the early retirement scheme and in opinion polls it was close to a left majority without the Social Liberals. The Conservative-Liberal government managed to get an agreement with the Social Liberals and the Danish Peoples Party to advance the cuts on the early retirement.
The central topic in the political debates up to and during the electoral campaigns was how to balance the state budget in 2020. According to some economic forecasts there will be a deficit of 47 billion kroner in 2020 on the public finances and there will be a shortage of labour. The Social Democrats and Socialist Peoples Party basically accept the same economic and demographic assumptions as the right. Their alternative economic plan called “fair solution” is based on increasing working time by 12 minutes per day through agreements with the trade unions and employers’ organisations. They claim that this a necessary measure to keep early retirement and avoid cuts in public welfare. To meet criticism that this is ridiculous while there are 200,000 unemployed they have made the concession that it should not happen before there is full employment. Also the economic plan of the right is based on the assumption that in the long run there will be full employment.
The trade unions and most of the electoral base of SD and SPP have put hopes in a new left government that would defend the interest of the working class. Nevertheless the leaders of SD and SPP have been more ambiguous, while some have mentioned the importance of reinstating the cooperative parliament that makes agreements across the centre excluding the extreme parties, meaning the RGA and DPP. This was also a clear invitation to the Social Liberals and since the elections the SD-SPP alliance has made an agreement with the Social Liberal Party to form a common government. The government platform includes the agreed attacks on early retirement. There is a majority for the parties which made the agreement. If the SD-SPP had kept the Social Liberals outside the government they could have avoided taking responsibility for the attack. In the Danish political system a government has to follow decisions by a majority of the parliament but can be in minority without having to resign.
This is the first time ever that the Socialist Peoples Party has been in government. It has been a goal of the party for many years and led to making many concessions in order to prove it is a responsible party. One of the first was the acceptance of the Maastricht treaty in 1993. During the last five years it has gone through a dramatic transformation to become more a peoples’ party and less a socialist party. This included a very populist attitude towards immigrants. They gave up the defence for immigrants and asylum seekers rights. The chairman condemned reactionary Muslim groups in a way that it could be understood as being generally against all Muslims. The new populist profile of the party seemed to a great success. From the 2005 to 2007 elections they rose from 6 to 13 %. Later polls gave the party around 20 % though closing in on the Social Democrats to be the main left party. During the last years the Social Democrats and Socialist Peoples Party has formed a very close political alliance. Not only have they developed common political proposals but they have made common advertisements on bill-boards etc.
In autumn 2010 the Liberal-Conservative government presented a plan to put extra criteria for family union with immigrants. This could mean that it would be much more difficult to get a stay-permit for a spouse from a non-European country. The SD and SPP took some time as they considered whether to support this proposal. Finally they decided to present an alternative that still included more strict criteria than the existing though more moderate than the right had proposed. This seemed to the straw that broke the camels back and they started to lose support.
The RGA first passed the 2% threshold needed for parliamentary representation in 1994, after the SPP accepted the Maastricht treaty. Since then the RGA reached a low point in the elections 2007. On the one hand the RGA was in a difficult situation with internal disagreement and external attacks for choosing a Muslim woman wearing a hijab as a candidate, and on the other the SPP was profiting from a general “cool factor” making it a very popular party in particular among youth. The discontent with the populism of the SPP is the main reason for the possibilities for the RGA. But it is also the general adaptation to the liberal economic policies by the SD-SPP alliance. According to opinion polls the rise in its support began in autumn 2010. Many new members have also joined. When the elections were announced on 26 August support was about 4.5%. During the three weeks of electoral campaign SD-SPP continued to lose support as they did not represent a clear alternative to the right and thus made it possible to undermine their credibility. It was thus only with a small margin that the four parties for a new government got a majority of 50,2% of the vote against the right.
The electoral campaign of the RGA beat everything it has done before. There were more militants taking part in the distribution of materials and postering than ever before. Around 1.5 million leaflets and pamphlets were distributed. Furthermore the RGA reached a new audience, breaking through the barrier of being a “strange” party and being taking seriously by a broader part of the population. The RGA became the “cool” party among youth with the charismatic spokesperson Johanne Schmidt-Nielsen in front. The campaign had the slogan: “There is room for welfare”. It was to break with dominating economic agenda and pointed to the taxation of rich, multinationals, speculators and the oil resources. The RGA presented a plan to create 100,000 jobs in public services and to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions. Defence of asylum-seekers and immigrants as well as unemployed were other central issues.
To fight to overthrow the right government and make the populist right lose their dictatorship over immigration policies has been a goal for the RGA ever since the government won the majority with the DPP 10 years ago. RGA gives its unconditional support to the new government. The RGA supports the formation of the government but makes no promises to support the proposals from the government. Decisions will be taken on an issue by issue basis and the RGA will not accept packages that link attacks on some with improvements for others. This will not prevent the RGA being put under pressure from the centre-left government. The government will try to give the RGA the responsibility for forcing the government to make deals with right. The ultimate pressure will be on the approval of the budget because the government will have to resign if it is not able to pass a budget. In its nature the budget is a package that includes all sorts of things including a budget for the military. During the SD-led government 1992-2001 the RGA never voted in favour of the budget though abstained on one occasion.
In order to prepare for this situation the RGA have had several debates on how to deal with the situation under a new government. At the 2010 RGA congress it was concluded that:
“The RGA encourages a new government to make a break that replaces the policies from the previous government with policy that is based on social equality, solidarity and sustainability. A budget that marks such a break will also have our votes. But we will under no circumstances vote in favour of a budget that:
This formulation was proposed by two SAP members in order to sharpen the original proposal from the leadership of the RGA.
The RGA will put forward demands on the government and work within the movement to build support for the demands to put the strongest possible pressure on the government. The RGA executive committee has made a call to branches, commissions and candidates of the RGA to organise public meetings with invitations to trade unions to debate expectations and demands on the new government.
The People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) strongly condemns the outrageous and uncalled for act of raid at the residence of Kavita Srivastava, PUCL national secretary in Jaipur early morning today (3 October 2011). The raid was conducted by the Chhattisgarh Police with active assistance of Rajasthan Police, supposedly searching for a maoist. We understand that this was done at the behest of inputs from central intelligence agencies which prompted Chhattisgarh police to seek a search warrant. The raid is a scandalous act of maligning, intimidation and harassment to muzzle dissent at the behest of the government of Rajasthan which is out to victimise human rights activists who expose its misdeeds of atrocities against Muslim minorities and poor. The arrival of police with a truck load of them is nothing but to create fear amongst the family members of Kavita Srivastava and others. There is no doubt that the raids were a well thought out design to go after the human rights activists aimed at silencing them through the misuse of law and official machinery. In all its manifestations the present raid is in the series of acts of blatant vindictiveness aimed at sending a message to the larger human rights community that the present central and state governments have no faith in and respect for the value of dissent and protest as a cardinal principles as enshrined in our constitution. It is clear that Kavita Srivastava has been targeted primarily because of her role in pointing out Chhattisgarh government’s violation of human rights, Rajasthan government’s mindless use of force against Muslim minorities and centre’s anti-poor policies. PUCL appeals to the larger human rights community and freedom loving people of the country to come forward strongly to resist the unabashed crusade of the government against the human rights defenders in the country. PUCL also demands that the National Human Rights Commission must take a serious view of the matter and as per its commitment to protect the human rights defenders ensure that no further harassment is meted out to Kavita Srivastava and her family.
PUCL will hold a press conference with other human rights organisations tomorrow at 3: 30 at Indian Women's Press Club, 5 Windsor Place, Ashoka Road, New Delhi.
Prabhkar Sinha, President PUCL
Rajinder Sachar, former President PUCL
Pushkar Raj , General Secretary PUCL
Mahipal Singh, Secretary PUCL
Chitranjan Singh, Secretary PUCL
V. Suresh , Secretary PUCL